د پاملرنې وړ
طالبان وايي، پاکستاني پلاوي سره په امنیتي مسایلو او هغه هېواد کې افغان کډوالو سره د ناوړه چلند سربیره په ځینو نورو مسلو هم بحث شوی.
د طالبانو حکومت د بهرنیو چارو ځای ناستي وزیر مولوي امیرخان متقي افغانستان لپاره د پاکستان ځانګړي استازي آصف دراني سره په کتنه کې ویلي چې د دواړو هېوادونو ترمنځ امنیتي ستونزې باید ګډې جرګه ګۍ حل کړي.
ددغه وزارت یوې ویناپاڼې لیکلي: «د بهرنیو چارو وزیر یادونه وکړه چې امنیتي مسایل دې د مشترکو کمیټو له لارې حل شي او لویې د عبور لارې دې د سیاسي او امنیتي ملحوظاتو له کبله نه تړل کیږي.»
ویناپاڼه چې د طالبانو د بهرنیو چارو وزارت یوه ویاند حفیظ ضیا احمد تکل پر خپله ایکس پاڼه خپره کړې زیاتوي؛ په دې کتنه کې په هغه هېواد کې له افغان کډوالو سره په چلند، د تازه سبزیو او میوو صادراتو ته د اسانتیاوو برابرولو او د افغان سوادګرو د ټرانزیټ مالونو په اړه هراړخیزې خبرې شوي.
د افغان سوداګرو ترټولو ستره نېوکه داده چې افغانستان کې د تازه سبزیو او میوو موسم په رارسېدو سره سم د بیلابیلو پلمو له مخې د تورخم دروازه تړل کیږي چې له دې امله افغان سوداګرو ته هرکال درانه مالي زیانونه اوړي.
طالبان وايي، پاکستاني پلاوي ورسره ژمنې کړي چې؛ «د سودګرۍ او ترانزیت او همدا راز د افغانستان او پاکستان تر منځ د عبور په ځایونو کې د رامنځته شوو مشکلاتو لپاره به د حل لارې راوباسي.»
د طالبانو خبرپاڼې زیاته کړې چې پاکستان به ډېر ژر افغان محصلینو ته د تعلیمي بورسونو ورکولو لړۍ بیا پيل کړي.
په افغانستان کې د طالبانو حکومت وايي، د بهرنیو چارو چارسمبالي وزیر یې ملا امیر خان متقي کابل کې د افغانستان لپاره د پاکستان له ځانګړي استازي اصف دراني سره پر امنیتي مسلو خبرې کړې دي.
د طالبانو حکومت د بهرنیو چارو وزارت مرستیال ویاند حافظ احمد ضیا تکل ویلي، له پاکستاني پلاوي سره په وروستیو کې د افغان کډوالو د نیول کېدو او د ډیورنډ پر کرښه د رامنځ ته شویو ستونزو په اړه هم خبرې شوې دي.
د ښاغلي دراني په مشرۍ دغه پلاوی پرون پنجشنبه کابل ته تللی دی.
دغه سفر داسې مهال شوی چې پاکستان کې د اورپکو د وروستیو بریدونو پر سر د تورونو پورې کولو له کبله د طالبانو او پاکستاني چارواکو اړيکي ښه نه دي.
پاکستان کې له تېرو دوو اونیو راهیسې د افغان کډوالو د نیولو بهیر په چټکۍ روان دی چې د فعالانو په وینا تر اوسه اته سوه افغان کډوال نیول شوي دي.
بل لوري ته په تورخم کې د طالبانو د حکومت او پاکستاني پوله ساتو ځواکونو ترمنځ د تورخم لار د یوې اونۍ لپاره تړلې وه.
حافظ احمد ضیا تکل په یوه ټویټ کې ویلي، ددغه وزارت سرپرست امیر خان متقي د افغانستان لپاره د پاکستان ځانګړي استازي اصف دراني سره په لیدنه کې پر امنیتي مسلو سربېره، پاکستان کې د افغان کډوالو پر نیولو او د تګ راتګ پر لارو د جوړو شویو خنډونو د لرې کولو په اړه خبرې کړې دي.
نوموړي ویلي چې د بهرنیو چارو سرپرست پاکستاني پلاوي ته ویلي چې د دواړو هېوادونو ترمنځ لویې عبوری لارې دې د سیاسي او امنیتي مسلو له کبله نه تړل کېږي او د ګډو کمېټو له لارې یې د امنیتي مسلو پر حل لارو ټینګار کړی دی.
ښاغلي متقي زیاته کړې چې افغانستان او پاکستان د دوو اسلامي ګاونډیو هېوادونو په توګه د یو بل خلاف د بیانونو له ورکولو ډډه وکړي او دا باید ددې سبب نه شي چې د دواړو هېوادونو ترمنځ واټن زیات شي.
امیر خان متقي ټینګار کړی چې د ګاونډیو او سیمې هېوادونو په اړه د دوی د حکومت پالیسي د ښه نیت او اخلاص پر بنسټ ده او هېچا ته به اجازه نه ورکوي چې د دواړو هېوادونو ترمنځ روابط خراب کړي.
د بهرنیو چارو وزارت د مرستیال ویناند په وینا دواړو چې د ستونزو د حل په موخه ژر تر ژره اقدامات وکړي چې په راتلونکې کې ددغه ډول پېښو د رامنځ ته کېدو مخه ونیول شي.
ځینو پاکستاني رسنیو ویلي چې کابل ته ددغه پلاوي سفر د سفر موخه د دواړو لوریو ترمنځ د وروستیو امنیتي اندېښنو راکمول دي.
کابل ته د اصف دراني په مشرۍ د پلاوي سفر وروسته تر هغه کېږي چې پاکستان له څو میاشتو راهیسې پرله پسې ادعا کړې چې وسله والې ډلې په هغه هېواد کې د بریدونو لپاره د افغانستان له خاورې ګټه اخلي.
په افغانستان کې د طالبانو له حاکمیت راهیسې پاکستاني څو وارې شکایت کړی چې د دوی د مخالفو وسله والو ډلو مشران په افغانستان کې پټ دي او له هماغه ځایه په پاکستان کې د بریدونو تابیاوې کوي.
دا ادعا د طالبانو حکومت څو ځله په کلکه رد کړې او له پاکستانه یې غوښتي چې د خپلو نیمګړتیاوو پړه پر افغانستان وانه چوي.
د افغانستان لپاره د پاکستان ځانګړي استازي اصف دراني په مشرۍ یو بل پلاوي هم شاوخوا دوه میاشتې وړاندې کابل ته سفر کړی و او هلته یې د طالبانو حکومت له چارواکو سره خبرې کړې وې.
د افغانستان لپاره د امریکا سفارت شارژدافیرې په دوحه کې د طالبانو له یوه پلاوي سره د لیدنې خبر ورکړی. هغې ويلي دي چې په دې کتنه کې دواړو لورو په افغانستان کې له نشه يي توکو سره د مبارزې په تړاو خبرې کړي.
د امریکا متحده ایالاتو سفارت شارژدافیرې، د چهارشنبه په ورځ پر ایکس پاڼه لیکلي چې په دوحه کې یې د طالبانو له یوه پلاوي سره د سیمې هېوادونود اندېښنو او په افغانستان کې د مخدره موادو پر ضد د مبارزې په اړه خبري اتري کړې دي.
د هغه په وينا، په دې ليدنه کې د نشه يي توکو د له منځه وړلو، د بديل معيشت او د روږدو کسانو د درملنې په تړاو هم خبري وشوې.
په افغانستان کې د امریکا سفارت د شارژدافیر د پیغام په یوه برخه کې راغلي: «دا ډېره مهمه ده چې په افغانستان کې دننه او بهر د افغان کارپوهانو مشورې واوریدل شې چې نړیواله ټولنه څه ډول مرسته کولای شي او څومره مهمه ده. د نشه يي توکو پر وړاندې د مبارزې په ټولو برخو کې د ښځو رول مهم او ارزښت ناک دی. موږ له ښځو پرته نه بریالي کیږو.«
نوموړي په ټینګار سره ویلې چې نشه يي توکي له ډېرې مودې راهیسې د افغانستان او نړۍ د خلکو لپاره یو بشري او اقتصادي ناورین دی، خو د ملګرو ملتونو او نورو اړوندو بنسټونو په همکارۍ هڅه کیږي چې د افغانانو دا هیلې ژوندي وساتل شې چې په افغانستان کې ناقانونه مخدره توکي د تل لپاره له مینځه یوړل شې.
طالبانو تر اوسه په دې اړه څه نه دي ویلي
که څه هم طالبانو د افغانستان د واک تر لاسه کولو وروسته د مخدره موادو د کښت او قاچاق پر ضد مبارزې ته زور ورکړی، خو ملګرو ملتونو په دې وروستیو کې په افغانستان کې د مت امفتامین نشه ېې توکیو د قاچاق او تولید د زیاتوالي په اړه یو راپور خپور هم کړی دی.
د تنظېم شويو جرمونو او مخدره موادو پر وړاندې د ملګرو ملتونو د مبارزې ادارې په خپل رپوټ کې ويلي دي چې په افغانستان کې د توليد شويو مت آمفتامين د کشفياتو په اړه رپوټونه په دې هېواد کې نشه یي توکي د اقتصادي بدلون ښکارندوي کوي، هغه ځای چې د نړۍ ۸۰ سلنه غير قانوني اپین چې د هیروینو په جوړولو کې کارول کېږي، پکې توليدیږي.
بل خوا د فرانسې خبري آژانس د راپور له مخې د طالبانو له خوا په افغانستان کې د کوکنارو د کښت د کمښت له امله دا وړاندوینه هم کیږې چې ممکن د مصنوعي مخدره توکو تولید ته د ودې زمینه برابره شې.
د طالبانو حکومت کې د انرژۍ او اوبو وزير عبداللطيف منصور د قوش تېپې اوبو کانال جوړولو په اړه د ازبکستان د ولسمشر اندېښنې په ځواب کې ويلي، په "اوسنيو شرايطو کې د امو سيند په حوزه کې له هېچا سره تړون نه لرو."
تېره اوونۍ د ازبکستان ولسمشر د افغانستان په شمال کې د قوش تېپې کانال د اغېزو په اړه اندېښنه څرګنده کړې وه او ادعا یې کړې وه چې دغه کانال به د منځنۍ اسيا د اوبو وضعيت او انډول بدل کړي.
روسي رسنيو د شوکت مير ضيايف له قوله رپوټ ورکړی و، چې د قوش تېپې کانال د ټولو اړخونو د راسپړلو لپاره يې د يوې ګډې کاري ډلې وړانديز هم کړی.
ښاغلي میرضیایف رانګه ویلي و، د قوش تیپې کانال جوړېدل مرکزي اسیا کې د اوبو تعادل کې بنسټیز بدلون رامنځته کوي.
ښاغلي منصور کابل کې خصوصي رسنۍ طلوع نيوز ته ويلي، په هغه صورت کې چې تړون نه وي، د سرغړونې په اړه د اندېښنې څرګندولو لپاره هېڅ دليل نشته، خو زیاته کړې يې ده چې حکومت يې چمتو دی د اندېښنو ختمېدو لپاره ګاونډيو هېوادونو سره خبرې وکړي.
وړاندې د ازبکستان ولسمشر شوکت میرضیایف د ارال جهيل د ژغورنې صندوق د بنسټ ایښودونکو هېوادونو د مشرانو په غونډه کې ويلي وو، "افغانستان په فعاله توګه د دغه کانال په جوړولو بوخت دی، د دې کانال جوړول به په منځنۍ اسیا کې د اوبو وضعیت او توازن په بنسټیز ډول بدل کړي."
د ازبکستان ولسمشر د افغانستان په ګډون د یوې ګډې کاري ډلې جوړول چې د امو پر سيند د قوش تېپې د کانال اغېزې وڅېړي اړين وګڼل.
میرضیایف ټینګار وکړ چې "د ګډو اوبو د سرچینو په اړه په سیمه ییزو خبرو کې د افغان استازو ګډون باید په پام کې ونیول شي."
تېر کال د طالبانو حکومت د قوش تیپې کانال د کیندلو چارې چې له امو سینده سرچینه اخلي پيل کړل.
دا کانال چې ۲۸۵ کیلومتره اوږدوالی او له ۱۰۰ مترو زيات پلنوالی لري، د افغانستان په شمال کې د اوبو د لېږد تر ټولو ستره پروژه ده چې د امو له سیند څخه د ۱۰ میلیارد متر مکعبه اوبو د لېږد ظرفیت لري.
طالب چارواکي وايي، د قوش تېپې کانال په جوړېدو سره به د بلخ، جوزجان او فاریاب ولایتونو ۵۵۰ زره هکتاره ځمکه خړوبه شي.
نور خبرونه
د کالیفورنیا د جمهوري ګوند د مسلمانانو مشر، یاسيني:
مسلمانان او افغانان باید د امریکا د سیاست مهمه برخه شي
ملکزی / سکرمنټو، کالیفورنیا
پنځوس کلن افغان امریکايي مدني او کلتوري فعال، عبد النصیر یاسیني تازه د امریکا د مهم ایالت، کالیفورنیا په سیاست کې قدم کیښود. خپلې مبارزې، د مسلمانانو د قانوني حقوقو پالنې او اغیزمنې سیاسي ونډې اخیستنې ته ډیر هیله مند ښکاري. نوموړی د ننګرهار د کامې په ولسوالۍ کې زیږیدلې او د شوروي د یرغل په مهال یې په پيښور کې تر دولسم ټولګي پورې درسونه لوستي دي. په ۱۹۹۷م کال کې یې د اسلام آباد له نړیوال پوهنتون څخه په قانون کې لیسانس ترلاسه کړې او په ۲۰۰۱م کال کې یې د انګستان د Brunel University of Uxbridge څخه په جنايي عدالت (Criminal Justice) کې ماستري اخیستې ده.
نن یې د یوې لیدنې په ترڅ کې، ما ته د دغه سیاسي ګام د انګیزې په اړه داسې وویل: ( دا پراخه او د نړۍ د نقشې پرمخ ځواکمن هیواد له مهاجرو او کډوالو څخه جوړ شویدی؛ دلته هغه لږه کي او پرګنې بریالۍ دي چې د خپل هویت او موجودیت لپاره منډې ترړې وهي. د یوې احصائيې له مخې، د کالیفورنیا په ایالت کې نژدې اته لکه مسلمانان اوسیږي او په دې ایالت کې ۴۹۵ جوماتونه او دیني او کلتوري مرکزونه آباد دي. دا یوه ستره ټولنه ده چې انسجام، استازیتوب او پوهاوي ته اړتیا لري، نو ځکه مې مټې را ونغاړلې).
زما د دې پوښتنې په ځواب کې چې درې کاله وړاندې همدا جمهوري غوښتونکې ګوند په واک کې وو، د اوو مسلمانو هیوادونو اتباع یې له راتګ څخه بند کړل، آیا اندیښنه نه لرې چې که احتمالا دوئ قدرت ته ورسیږي او دغه پالیسي بیا تکرار کړي؟ یاسيني خپل نظر داسې څرګند کړ: (زه منم چې د کډوالو اړوند د ډیموکراتانو پالیسي نرمه او لبراله بريښي؛ خو تر کومه ځایه چې زه په جریان کې یم زموږ د ګوند ډیر مخکښ مشران د دغې پالیسۍ سره یوه خوله نه وو. نو که چیرې دغه ډول سیاست بیا پلې کیږي، یقینا چې زه به غلې نه کښينم او د ګوند د مشرانو غوږونو ته به د خپلو خلکو غږ رسوم. ټولټاکنې لیړې نه دي، دا ګوند د مسلمانانو استازیتوب، ګډون او ووټ ته اړ دی او موږ د دې ګوند ملاتړ ته. موږ د دې هیواد اتباع او د ټولنې اساسي برخه یو؛ بله دا چې همدغه دوه ګوندونه دي کله یو او که بل په واک کې وي، نو ځان ګوښې نیول د ګټې په ځای تاوان لري).
کله چې ما وپوښته کالیفورنیا خو د ډیموکراتانو د واک او ځواک مرکز او د مسلمانانو اکثریت له همدې ګوند سره دی، نو څه شې د دې لامل شو چې د خپلې سیاسي تنستې د اوبدلو لپاره دې ریپبلګن ګوند غوره کړ؟ داسې ځواب یې راکړ: (ګوره، موږ په یو څو دیني مسائلو او کلتوري ارزښتونو کې له دې ګوند سره ورته والی لرو او څه ناڅه همفکره یو. د بیلګې په توګه، له زیږون وړاندې دوئ د ماشوم د ضائع کولو اوغورځولو سره مخالف دي، موږ هم یو. دوئ د همجسنګرایانو د واده سره جوړ نه دي او زموږ دین یې هم اجازه نه ورکوي).
بیا مې وپوښته، تا څرنګه وکولاې شول چې دغه شان یوې مهمې څوکۍ ته ځان ورسوئ او د دې کمیټې د مشرۍ موده څومره ده؟ ځواب یې راکړ:( زه له ښایسته ډیر وخت راهیسې د همداسې یو استازیتوب په لټه کې ووم او غوره مې ګڼله چې که یو افغان دغه مقام ترلاسه کړي. دلته درې تنه کاندیدان وو؛ یو لبنانی، بل ایراني او دریم زه ووم. په دې کمیټې کې له ټولې کالیفورنیا څخه د جمهوري ګوند ۲۲ تنه مخه ور کسان غړیتوب لري چې شپږ یې د کانګرس غړي دي. که څه هم دا ډیر اجرائیوي مقام نه دی، خو د ځوان لیډرشپ په غوراوي کې مهم رول لري او همدا راز کولاې شي چې د هیواد په کچه په ځینو مشورو کې برخه واخلي او د ګوند لپاره ځوان مسلمان استازي په ګوته کړي. د دې مشرتابه دوره دوه کاله وي، البته د بیا کاندید حق خوندي دی).
ما له نصیر یاسيني څخه پوښتنه وکړه چې ستا په آند، د امریکا مسلمانان ولې په ټولټاکنو او سیاسي غورځو پرځو کې غوښنه ونډه نه اخلي؟ ځواب یې دا ډول وو: (فکر کوم چې د تعلیمي کچې ټیټوالی، د نوي کلچر او چاپیریال اغیز او له سیاسي بهیر سره ناشناني ددې باعث ګرځي چې مسلمانان په ووټونو او سیاسي غونډو کې ګډون ونه کړي. ډیر کله لیدل کیږي چې په یوې سیمې کې په زرګونو د ووټ مستحق مسلمانان اوسیږي، خو د انتخاباتو په ورځ د ګوتو په شمار خلک د صندوقونو مرکزونو ته ورځي. زه هیله کوم چې زموږ دا اقلیت او په ځانګړي ډول افغانان، د امریکا د سیاست یوه مهمه برخه شي او یوه بالقوه او فعاله لابي ولري).
وروستۍ پوښتنه، آیا د خپلې تجربې په رڼا کې هغو کډوالو ته چې په دې دوو کلونو کې له هیواده راغلي، څه مشوره یا پیغام لرې؟ (بلې، دوئ ته د ښه راغلاست ترڅنګ په ډیر درناوي سره سپارښتنه کوم چې هم پخپله درس ووايي، نوي مهارتونه زده کړي او هم پخپلو اولادونو باندې د ښې روزنې او تعلیمي هڅونې جدي پیرزونه وکړي. زموږ خویندې او ورونه باید پرینږدي چې دغه نوی کول بې لارې، د خپلو کورنیو د سترګو ازغي او د نوې ټولنې نا بللې میلمانه شي. څرګنده ده چې د ټولنیز عدالت په سیوري کې، زموږ دغه وطنداران بې جوړې فرصتونه لري، نو په کار ده چې له هغو څخه تر هرممکن سرحده ښه او مثبته ګټه واخلي).
باید ووایم چې له عبدالنصیر یاسيني وړاندې، ۳۶ کلنه عائشه وهاب چې اصلا د قندهار او په نیویارک کې زیږیدلې ده، لومړنۍ افغانه ده چې له ۲۰۲۲م کال راهیسې د کالیفورنیا د سنا په مجلس کې د ډیموکرات ګوند استازیتوب کوي. له بله پلوه، د امریکا د کانګرس څلور واړه مسلمان غړي د ډیموکرات ګوند استازي دي او یو یې هم افغان نه دی.
—-----------------------------------------------------
پاملرنه: که لوستونکي وخت او علاقه لري، کولاې شي د ولي الله ملکزي نورې لیکنې او څیړنې د هغه په فیسبوک او یوټیوب چینل کې ولولي او وګوري.
ادرس یې دا دی: Wali Malakzay
خشتضٍ گیاٍ اعت کَ تَ خاًْادٍ کذّیاى یا Cucurbitaceae تؼلك داسد . خشتْصٍ دس خولَ
هیٍْ خات ؽشیي تا گْؽت مخین هیثاؽذ. اص ًعس گیاٍ ؽٌاعی ، خشتضٍ تَ هْس خاؿ ًْع
"پپْ" اعت. کلوَ خشتضٍ اص التیي melopepo گشفتَ ؽذٍ اعت، کَ خشتضٍ هؼٌی هی
دُذ. ایي ًثات اص ٌُذ افشیما ّدس دسٍ ُای گشم آعیای خٌْتی ّ هشکضی عشچؾوَ گشفتَ
اعت. ّلی دس اًْاع اى ؽشیٌی آب ّ خغاهت ّ ّصى آى فشق هیکٌذ. خشتْصٍ داسای
چِاس خٌظ هیثاؽذ
ادامه را در پ ډي اف در ذیل تعقیب کنید
نوشته کریم پوپل
درین تپه آثار آبدات کوشانی ها ، یونیان باختری کشف گردیده است . بدین معنی است که این تپه در ادوار مختلف مورد استفاده دولتها قرار گرفته و نیز قصه های دارد. در قسمت کخ طرف سیاه سنگ قرار دارد. در وقت زمام داری امیر شیرعلی خان عبدالرحمن خان و امیر حبیب اله خان جشن نوروز یا میله نوروز گرفته میشد. و قبل از کمپنی قرغه میله گدی پران بازی درین محل صورت می گرفت. پس از آنکه امان اله خان تپه را به نام نرنجان داس کرد بنام تپه نرنجان یاد می گردید. در دوره که نادر خان فوت کرد تپه نادر خان می گفتند. بعد از هفت ثور قبرستان شهیدان شد بنام تپه شهدا مسما شد. ولی نام مرنجان را کسی فراموش کرده که این مرنجان چه است.
تپه مرنجان
دیوان نرنجان داس یا نرنجان سنگ پدر بی بی رادو جان وزیر مالیه شاه امان بود . نرنجان مستوفی و وزیر موفق در بخش مالیه بود. دیوان نرنجن داس، در ماه جولای سال ۱۹۲۰ میلادی ضمن یک هیئت افغانی به ریاست علامه محمود طرزی، غرض امضای معاهده به رسمیت شناختن استقلال افغانستان از سوی انگلیس ها، به هند بریتانوی سفر کرد . در این سفر دیوان نرنجن داس ٬ یک عضو برجسته این هیئت بود. هیت با موفقیت واپس به وطن بازگشتن . امانالله خان به پاس خدمات نرنجان این تپه و چمنزار کناری آن را به وی بخشید که بعدها این تپه به نام نرنجان خوانده شد و با گذشت زمان نرنجان به مرنجان تبدیل شد.
نادرخان و هاشم خان چون مخالف دولت امان اله خان بودند. تمام داری وجایداد را ملکیت عامه کردند. ازاینکه خانواده نرنجان داس مهاجر به کشور هندوستان گردید دارایی او
نیزملکیت عامه شد. تنها ساحه که قبر نادرحان است. در ملکیت پدر ظاهر خان درآمد
.
هیات عالرتبه که برای امضا قرارداد استرداد استقلال به هند اعزام شدند
.
٢٢ نوامبر ١۹٢١ عيسوی، هیأت انگلیس در کابل و با هیأت افغانی معاهده استرداد استقلال افغانستان را عقد کرد
قصه های افسانوی تپه مرنجان برای اطفال
این داستان افسانوی است نه حقیقت.
روایات است که : قبل از ظهور اسلام در کابل، پادشاهی حکومت میکرده که تنها یک دختر زیبا داشته است. در دربار این پادشاه، جادوگری به نام «مرنجان» زندگی میکرده است. این جادوگر، عاشق دختر پادشاه بود و میخواست که با او ازدواج کند، اما به خاطر داشتن چهره زشت و وحشتناک، دختر شاه از ازدواج با او امتناع میکرده است. روزی خبر میرسد که سپاه اسلام بر کابل حمله کرده و صدها تن را در حومه کابل به قتل رسانیده. آنوقت پادشاه از «مرنجان» کمک خواسته و مرنجان گفت، به شرطی کمک میکند که دخترش را به ازدواج او در آورد. پادشاه شرط او را قبول کرد. مرنجان در صحنه جنگ رفت و مشت خاکی بر سپاه اسلام پاشید و همهی آنها نابود شدند. سپس آنها را آوردند و در زیر تپه خاکی دفن کردند. بعدها این تپه به نام «مرنجان» نامیده شد..
روایات دیگر ولی افسانوی
در گذشته جادوگری به نام «مرنجان» در این مکان زندگی میکرده است. او ثروت و دارایی فراوانی داشت، اما روزی از قضا طلسم جادویی او میشکند و تمام دارایی افسانهای او تبدیل به تپهای خاکی میشود که اکنون به نام تپه مرنجان شهره است.
موخذ
۱. از یادکرد جنرال عبدالطیف عبدالطیف پوپل لوی درستز زمان امان اله خان در کتاب خاطرات یک قهرمان
۲.تپه مرنجان کابل مکان تفریحی و تاریخی افغانستان نوشته فرهاد نوری در ویبسایت ایندیپندد فارسی
https://www.independentpersian.com/node/135991/6
۳. تپه مرنجان از مکان های باستانی و تفریحی در کابل نوشته طلوع نیوز
https://tolonews.com/fa/afghanistan-178985
۴. تاریخ سخن میگوید می گوید نوشته خیر محمد جوهر در صفه افغان اکادمکی
https://www.facebook.com/afghanacademy1/photos/a.
۵.تپه مرنجان کابل و ویرانه قبر سلطان محمد طلایی نوشته شاه محمود محمود
در ویبساید کابل ناتهه
https://www.kabulnath.de/Sal-e-Dowazdaoum/Shoumare-279/schamahmoud%20Mahmoud.html
۶. ویکی پیدیا فارسی تپه مرنجان نوشته کریم پوپل
https://www.kabulnath.de/Sal-e-Dowazdaoum/Shoumare-279/schamahmoud%20Mahmoud.html
۷. او دختر دیوان بی بی رادو جان نوشته نویسنده کشور ایشور داس در ویبسایت کابل ناتهه
https://kabulnath.de/Salae_Doum/Shoumar-e-45/Ischer%20Dass_BebiRadoJan.html
د اګست ۳۱مه له افغانستانه د ناټو او امريکايي ځواکونو له وتلو سره برابره ده. شاوخوا درې لسيږي مخکي شورويان له افغانستانه وتلي ول. آيا د دغو دواړو زبرځواکونو وتل مشابه ول؟
تر ۲۰ کاله پوځي ماموریت او لوړو لګښتونو وروسته، دامريکا متحده ايالات و وروستي عسکر، د ۲۰۲۱م کال د اګست مياشتي پر ۳۰ ڼېټه د شپې ناوخته له افغانستانه ووت. افغانستان شاوخوا ۳ لسيزې مخکې هم دې ته ورته خروج تجربه کړی وو. د پخواني شوروي اتحاد ځواکونو وروسته له لس کلن اشغاله د ۱۹۸۹م کال د فبرورۍ مياشتي پر ۱۵مه افغانستان ترک کړ.
که څه هم په افغانستان کې د پخواني شوروي اتحاد او ناټو ځواکونو حضور ډېر توپېر لري، خو وتل ېې یو بل ته ډېر ورته والی لري.
شوروي په افغانستان کې د خپل ملاتړي حکومت د ملاتړ له پاره افغانستان ته ځواکونه واستول او افغانانو د دغه اشغال پر ضد یوه لسیزه مبارزه وکړه.
امریکايي او ناټو ځواکونو بیا برعکس، د تروريزم ضد مبارزې په هدف او د ملګرو ملتونو د امنیت شورا د مصوبې پر اساس په افغانستان کې خپل ماموریت ترسره کړ چې د جګړې لور ېې طالبان ول. د شوروي له خوا د افغانستان اشغال د نړېوالې ټولنې ملاتړ له ځانه سره نه درلود، اما په افغانستان کې د غرب شل کلن ماموريت د نړېوالې ټولنې له اجماع سره مل وو.
که څه هم د دغو دوو دورو په جريان کې د پوځي او ملکي تلفاتو دقیق ارقام معلوم نه دي، خو د ملګرو ملتونو د ارقامو پر اساس، د افغانستان په شل کلنه جګړه کې تر ۲۴۰۰ ډېر امریکايي عسکر وژل شوي دي. د پخواني شوروي اتحاد د رسمي ارقامو له مخې، په افغانستان کې ېې ۱۴۴۵۳ ځواکونه وژل شوي.
د حکومتونو پاشل: د دوو خروجو ورته عواقب
له افغانستانه د پخواني شوروي اتحاد د قواوو له وتلو سره، په افغانستان کې د ډاکټر نجیب الله حکومت يوازې ۳ کاله دوام وکړ او د ۱۹۹۲م کال د اپریل مياشتي پر ۲۸مه نېټه مجاهدين کابل ښار ته دننه شول او په افغانستان کې د پخواني شوروي اتحاد له ملاتړه برخمن حکومت ړنګ شو.
له افغانستانه د امریکايي قواوو وتل هم ورته عواقب درلودلي، له هغې جملې دا چې امريکايي قواوې لا په بشپړه توګه وتلې نه ول، چې د افغانستان ولسمشر، اشرف غني له کابله وتښتید او طالبانو د اګست مياشتي پر ۱۵مه کابل تصرف کړ.
۵۲ کلن عبدالبشیر (مستعار نوم) چې له افغانستانه د دواړو زبرځواکونو د وتلو شاهد دی، دويچه ويله ته وويل: «کله چې روسان ووتل، هر څه په خپل ځای ول، خو د امريکایانو له وتلو سره هر څه ګډوډ شول، له خلکو لار ورکه وه او ټولو تېښته کوله. هېڅوک نه پوهېده چې چېرته ځي او چېرته تېښته کوي، ټول ځایونه هرج و مرج پر سر اخيستې ول.»
د سیاسي چارو شنونکي، طارق فرهادي، دويچه ويله ته وويل چې د حکومتونو د سقوط دلیل دا دی چې دغه حکومتونه وابسته ول او ولسي ملاتړ ېې نه درلود. هغه د جمهوري نظام د پرځېدو په هکله وويل: «سیاستوال په واقعیت کې د غرب د حضور وړاندي کوونکي ول.»
د پخواني شوروي اتحاد او امریکا متحده ایالاتو پورې سیاسي، پوځي او مالي وابستګي او د دغو هېوادونو له خوا د دغو ملاتړونو قطع کول، هغه عوامل دي چې د کارپوهانو په آند د حکومتونو په سقوط کې ېې نقش درولودلی دی.
فرهادي وايي: «پخوانی شوروي اتحاد له افغانستانه تر وتلو وروسته په خپله هم وپاشل شو او نور ېې د دې توان نه درلود چې په افغانستان کې د حکومت ملاتړ وکړي.» هغه زیاتوي چې توپېر په دې کې دی چې د امریکا متحده ایالاتو حکومت له افغانستان پر وتلو سربېره، له افغانستان سره خپلو مرستو ته په يو بل ډول ادامه ورکړې ده.
په افغانستان کې د پخواني شوروي اتحاد د یرغل د وخت یو ويجاړ شوی ټانک - مزارشریف، بلخپه افغانستان کې د پخواني شوروي اتحاد د یرغل د وخت یو ويجاړ
د سولې پروسه په دواړو مواردو کې نتيجه ور نه کړه؛ نه د ډاکټر نجیب له خوا اعلان شوې د ملي مصالحې لار او نه هم له طالبانو سره د جمهوري حکومت د سولې هڅو.
د افغانستان د وخت ولسمشر ډاکټر نجیب الله، له افغانستانه د پخواني شوروي اتحاد ځواکونو تر وتلو وروسته، د ملي مصالحې لار اعلان کړه او هڅه ېې وکړه تر څو د سولې له لارې له جهادي تنظیمونو سره د ګډ حکومت پر جوړېدو توافق ته ورسيږي او د حکومت له پاشل کېدو ډډه وکړي، خو دغه هڅې ناکامې شوې.
د ډاکټر نجیب الله د حکومت تر سقوط وروسته افغانستان هېر شو. اوس که څه هم وضعیت يو څه متفاوت دی او د بشري بحرانونو د مخنيوي له پاره د مرستو رسولو هڅې ادامه لري، خو په سیاسي لحاظ د نړۍ تمرکز نورو لومړيتوبونو ته وراوښتی دی.
هغه وخت جهادي ډلې د قدرت پر سر په خپلو کې ښکيل شول او په داخل کې ويجاړونکې جنګونه پيل شول؛ داسې هرج و مرج چې په یو شکل ېې د طالبانو ظهور او پر افغانستان د هغوی لومړنۍ واکمنۍ ته ېې لاره هواره کړه.
آیا د دوحې تړون په بشپړه توګه عملي شوی دی؟
اوس هم د هغه وخت په څېر په وضعیت کې يو لړ ورته والی لیدل کيږي. طالبان د یو ټولشموله حکومت جوړېدو ته حاضر نه دي او قدرت ېې انحصار کړی دی. که څه هم طالبان اوس د یوې ځواکمنې مخالفې ډلې د نشتون په دليل، خپل سخت سیاستونو په ډاډ سره تطبیقوي، خو له دغې ډلې سره مخالفتونه کم شوي نه دي.
شنونکي اندېښمن دي چې د افغانستان وضعیت ته د نړېوالې ټولنې نه پاملرنه ممکن یو ځل بیا په افغانستان کې د داخلي جګړو د ترخو تجربو د تکرار سبب وګرځي.
د سیاسي چارو شنونکي، اسدالله ندیم، دويچه ویله ته وويل: «تر څو چې طالبان د نړېوالې ټولنې له خوا تر فشار لاندې ونه نيول شي، دوی به خبرو اترو ته حاضر نشي.»
هغه وايي طالبان د افغانستان په داخل کې «حریف» نه لري او په همدې دليل هغوی د نړېوالې ټولنې د ټینګار باوجود، د یو مشروع او ټولشموله حکومت د جوړېدو غوښتنې ته مثبت ځواب نه دی ورکړی.
فرهادي هم دغې اندېښنې ته په کتو وايي: «افغانستان په خطر کې دی، ځکه داسې يو حکومت چې ټول ورڅخه راضي وي، منځ ته را نه غلی.»
نوموړی زیاتوي چې د بهرنیو هیوادونو استخبارات دې نتيجې ته رسيدلي دي چې په اوسني وضعیت کې «د افغانستان يو موټي ساتل یوه لويه ننګونه ده.»
د فرهادي په آند: «د طالبانو اصلاح یوازې د پاکستان له طریقه» امکان لري، ځکه د هغه په خبره «طالبان د پاکستان له لارې او د دغه هېواد په ملاتړ قدرت ته ورسېدل.»
افغانانو له دغو دوو اخراجونو څه زده کړل؟
هغه درسونه چې افغانانو د دوو زبرځواکونو له وتلو زده کړي څه دي؟ آیا د دغه هېواد خلک او سیاستوال کولی شي خپل برخليک په خپله وټاکي؟ آیا دغه سیاسي درایت شتون لري چې ټول د يو بل ترڅنګ راټول او د هيواد د راتلونکې له پاره په ګډه تصميم ونیسي؟ اوسنی وضعیت ښيي چې دغو پوښتنو له پاره ځواب منفي دی. حتی د طالبانو مخالف سیاسي ګوندونه هم نه دي توانيدلي چې یو واحد او پراخ سياسي جریان رامنځ ته کړي.
هغه ټينګار کوي چې خلک، په ځانګړي توګه سياستوال، نخبه قشر او ټولنیز فعالان باید زده کړي چې خپله باید مسئولیت منونکي و اوسي او خپل برخليک په خپله وټاکي.» تر څو چې افغانان ونشي کړای چې په خپل ځان باندې حاکم شي، نور زبرځواکونه به راشي او افغانستان به اشغال کړي.»
میرعنایت الله سادات
ژئوپولیتیک ازترکیب دو کلمه ، یکی ژئو( زمین یا جغرافیه) ودیگری پولیتیک (سیاست) بوجود آمده است. بناء" ژئوپولیتیک را می توان درزبان دری با بکاربرد اصطلاح " جغرافیای سیاسی" تعریف کرد. این تعریف بازگوکنندۀ عوامل مؤثرجغرافیایی برسیاست یک کشورمیباشد. طبعی است که این عوامل تآثیرات استقامت دهنده دارند.
موقعیت جغرافیایی افغانستان بخودی خود مُحرک چالش ها درمنطقه وسطح جهانی است. این موقعیت ، افغانستان را به میدان رقابت قدرتهای جهانی و منطقوی تبدیل کرده واهمیت خاص جیواستراتیژیک را به آن داده است . درمورد موقعیت جیوستراتیژیک افغانستان قبلا" نوشتۀ مفصل ازین قلم به نشررسیده که با بکاربرد لینک مربوط به آن درپایان این مقال آمادۀ مطالعه میباشد. (1) بناء" بحث کنونی تنها روی نقش جغرافیای سیاسی (ژئوپولیتیک ) متمرکزبوده وبه بیان اثرگذاری جغرافیه بر سیاست میپردازد. ژئوپولیتیک علمی است که اوضاع جغرافیائی وسیاسی کشورها وخصوصیات ارضی وسوق الجیشی آن ها را مورد تحقیق قرار میدهد .همچنان تآثیر عوامل جغرافیائی بررفتار دولت ها وروابط فی مابین آنها را به بررسی میگیرد.
ازدیدگاه ژئوپولیتیک ، کشورهای منطقه و افغانستان برهمدیگرشان تأ ثیرات متقابل سیاسی ، اقتصادی وفرهنگی دارند.
بخاطرشناخت بُعد اقتصادی ژئوپولیتیک ، ضروراست تا بررسی ها زیرعنوان " ژئواکونومی" شکل بگیرد. ژئواکونومی ارتباط متقابل اقتصاد و ژئوپولیتیک را برقرارمیسازد. هردوعرصه ، تآثیر متقابل ویا پیآمد های متقابل دربرابرهمدیگردارند.
مبتنی برهمین اصل ، جغرافیای افغانستان همیشه از دو زاویۀ ذیل مورد توجۀ قدرت های منطقوی قرارمیگیرد :
اول- ارتباط مواصلاتی آسیای میانه با جنوب آسیا ازطریق افغانستان منحیث پُل ارتباطی تنظیم میشود. موقعیت جغرافیایی افغانستان به کشورها وکمپنی های بزرگ این فرصت را میدهد تا صادرات و واردات شان را درهردو استقامت انجام بدهند. افغانستان همیشه آمادۀ همکاری با آنها دربخش انتقالات بوده ولی مداخلات بیرونی ها ، این کشوررا دچارکشاکش وبی ثباتبی نموده ، مصئونیت راه های ترانزیتی را خدشه دار میسازد. البته کشورهای علاقمند به این راه های مواصلاتی ، حامی یک ثبات نسبی درین مسیر میباشند. اما حکومات افغانستان تا کنون به تنظیم امورمواصلاتی و مساعد ت درین عرصه موفق نشده اند. درحالیکه عواید حق العبورعراده جات باربری ، بخش قابل ملاحظۀ عواید ملی را برای دولت فراهم میکند.
دوم- منابع سرشارطبعی افغانستان مورد علاقۀ حریصانۀ قدرتها قراردارد. هرکدام آنها میخواهند برطبق مرام خود به منابع این کشورتسلط کامل داشته باشند. رقابت میان این قدرتها ، زمینه های استخراج های قانونی را به مشکل مواجه می سازد . زیرا با نادیده گرفتن اصول ومقررات ، زمینۀ استخراج را آنهایی بدست میآورند که قدرت ونفوذ بیشترداشته باشد. درگذشته نیز بخاطربی امنیتی ، ذخایرمعدنی افغانستان از جانب مافیا وقاچاقبران احجار قیمتی استخراج وسرقت میشد.
24 گونه مواد معدنی با ارزش درافغانستان وجود دارد که در89 منطقۀ کشوراین ذخائر موقعیت دارند.
طبق احصائیۀ سال 2010 م ذخائرطبعی افغانستان به سه تریلیون دالرتخمین شده بود . طبعی است که امروزاین رقم همگام با افزایش قیم ، خیلی بلند تثبیت خواهد شد.
تا هنوز امارت طالبان ازجانب هیچ کشوری در جهان به رسمیت شناخته نشده است . اما شماری ازکشورها مصروف زدوبند های پنهانی به ارتباط معادن افغانستان با طالبان هستند. سوال مطرح میشود که این قدرت ها زیر چه نامی با گروه طالبان خواهان عقد قرارداد ها درین عرصه می شوند ؟ واضح است که درین ارتباط ، آنها ازاصول شناخته شدۀ بین المللی سرکشی مینمایند. آنها با گروهی که فاقد اعتباردولتی درسطح ملی وبین المللی اند ، معاهداتی به نام دولت افغانستان عقد مینمایند.
پس ازبه قدرت رسیدن طالبان ، استخراج معادن در اولیت کاری این گروه قرارگرفته وهیچ یک از ذخائرمعادن افغانستان بدورازنظرآنها نمانده است. درحالیکه معادن افغانستان نه تنها ثروت ملی مربوط به نسل حاضرافغانها است ، بلکه ملکیت نسل های بعدی نیز میباشد.هیچکس حق ندارد درخفا با دول و یا تشبثات خارجی به عقد قرارداد ها متوسل شده و حق استخراج معادن افغانستان را ، غیرقانونی به آنها واگذارشود.. مقام افغانی جانب قرارداد باید ازصلاحیت های قانونی برخوردار باشد وچنین قراردادها باید مورد تائید قوۀ مقننۀ کشورقرارگیرد. طالبان که تاهنوز فاقد چنین صلاحیت بوده و همۀ شان بدون داشتن مجوز های قانونی درمقامات خود سرپرست میباشند .آیا چنین یک عملکرد آنها را می توان منحیث یک برخورد حقوقی به شمار آورد ؟ و یا این یک برخورد غیرمسئولانه دربرابرمنافع ملی افغانها می باشد ؟ پایان
(1) - موقعیت جیواستراتیژیک افغانستان
دومقاله ذیل راکه بطورسری ایاالت متحده ازحکومت
پاکستان درراستای برکناری ریس جمهورعمرانخان از قدرت صورت گرفته است در پ ډ ف مطالعه کنید
اجمل اټک یوسفزی
د تصوف او روحانیت اړونده موضوع څېړل او شاربل ډېر وخت او پوره علم غواړي؛ ځکه هغه زموږ د ټولنېزې تنستې او زموږ د عقیدې له مخې، نېغ په نېغه د مذهب سره ژورې اړيکې لري او د کلتور او ادب رېښې هم ورغځېدلي دي. له همدې امله ډېرې باریکۍ او کږلیچونه لري او سپړنه یې د هر چا د وسعې کار نه دی. که څه هم صوفیان او روحانیون په هره ټولنه او هره مذهبي طبقه کې شته او په دې ډول یې د دعوت او بلنې رنګونه هم توپیر کوي. خو یو رنګ یې چې تر ډېره جوت دی هغه که په وضعي مذاهبو لکه هندويزم، بودیزم، زردشتیزم او که اسلامي مذاهب دي په ټولو کې صوفیان خلک مینې، یووالي او ګډ ژوند ته رابولي او د تشدد او عداوت خلاف دي.
زموږ له نظره تصوف یا صوفیزم د څښتن تعالی سره د انسان مستقیمه رابطه او تړاو دی. د دنیاوي غوښتنو او مادییزم سره د پرېکون او واټن یوه وسیله ګڼل کیږي او اکثره صوفیان په عامه اصطلاح فنا في الله ګڼل کیږي. په نړۍ کې او بیا په تېره په اسلامي ټولنو کې صوفیان او د تصوف خاوندان ډېر دي، دغه شخصیتونه کله د ادب له مخې او کله کله هم د روحانیت یعنې پیرۍ، مریدۍ او طریقت له مخې د ټولنو په وګړو کې نفوذ کوي او ورو ورو لارویان او پیروان پیدا کوي. خو مهمه او اړینه دا ده چې په دغو باریکیو کې سړی ځان ورک نه کړي او حقیقت ته د ورنږدې کېدو او ورستېدو پرځای ترې لرې او لار ورکی نه شي.
که د اسلامي هېوادونو ټولنې ستر ستر عارفان او صوفیان لري لکه : الحسن البصري، سفیان الثوري، ابراهیم بن ادهم، جنید البغدادي، ابوالحسن الاشعري، ابونصر الفارابي، ابو منصور الحلاج، ابو القاسم القشیري، ابو حامد محمد الغزالي، فرید الدین عطار او شمس الدین تبریزي. نو موږ هم د دغو هېوادونو او ولسونو، نه بېرته پاتې نه یوو او د تصوف او عرفان په برخه کې لوې هستۍ لرو لکه: رحمان بابا، خوشال خان بابا، حمزه بابا، بایزید روښان، مولانا جلال الدین بلخي، فخرالدین رازي، حکیم سنایي غزنوي، خواجه عبدالله انصاري، مولانا عطاءالله فیضاني، میرزا عبدالقادر بېدل او ډېر شمېر نور صوفیان، عارفان او د پوهې خاوندان.
په دې کې شک نشته چې تصوف، عرفان او پوهه سړی رڼا ته رسوي خو له بده مرغه زموږ په وروسته پاتې ټولنو کې اکثره وخت ځینې ناپوهان او جعلکاران له دغه سپېڅلي ادرس نه هم ډېره بده ګټه اخلي او د رحمان بابا خبره؛ له دین نه یې دام جوړ کړی وي او په انحرافي بڼه [د کوډو، تعویذونو، فالونو، څښتونو، په غیبو پوهېدل، د پېریانو طابع کول..] ترې ناوړه کار اخلي او د کم علمه خلکو د عقیدو سره لوبي او دوکانداري کوي.
همدارنګه عرس، قوالي، سماع، خلوت، چلهه او رقص دا ټول د طریقت ځینې علماء د تصوف برخې ګڼي او خپل خپل دلایل ورته لري. په اردو او فارسي ژبو کې د تصوف او طریقت سرلارو ډېر کتابونه لیکلي دي خو په دې برخه کې زما د خپلو معلوماتو له مخې، په پښتو ژبه کې ډېر لږ او یا هم د ګوتو په شمېر کتابونه لیکل شوي او ژباړل شوي دي. په دغو اختلافي، پېچلیو او باریکو مسائلو کې آن مذهبي مشرانو او پوهانو په یو او بل د ګمراهۍ او تکفیر ټاپي او رسالې هم وهلي او لیکلي دي.
په پښتو ادب کې هم د تصوف څرګ د ځینو پوهانو په وینا د اوومې هجري پېړۍ په دویمه نیمایي کې د پښتو ادب د مشهور صوفي شاعر، شیخ متي له اشعارو راڅرګندیږي. سید علي ترمذي (پیر بابا)، د بایزید روښان او آخوند درویزه خیرالبیان او نورو د وخت په ادبي او مذهبي پنځونو کې هم د تصوف رنګ رټ ښکاري. په هر حال دغه په زړه پورې موضوع او د مذهبي جنجالونو او کږلیچونو، نه ډکه لاره، ګرانه ده چې بې له پوهې او علمه ووهل شي. په دغه اړه قلم پورته کول او څه لیکل هم جامع پوهه غواړي او هم پوره زړه او ډیر جرئت؛ کوم چې د هر چا د وسعې کار نه دی.
ښاغلی ولي الله ملکزی صاحب چې په دغه برخه کې د پوره پوهې، صلاحیت او جرئت خاوند دی، همداسې هیله او طمع مو ترې کېده چې دغه کږلېچونه او اغزن مزلونه به زموږ د پوهونې په پار وهي او قرباني به ورکوي. " تصوف، روحانیت او کږلېچونه " یو غوره کتاب دی چې ښاغلي ملکزي پرې د خپل ژوند قیمتي ورځې، اونۍ او میاشتې لګولې دي. خواري یې پر ځای ده او نوموړی کتاب یو ارزښتمند علمي کتاب دی. لیکوال (ملکزي) د کتاب د شا پر پښتۍ زموږ د ټولو د زړونو یوه کره او پخه خبره، د یو ارمان او هیلې په بڼه لیکلې ده؛ که ومنل شي او موږ یې عملي کړو باور لرم چې ټول ټولنیز ټپونه به مو ورغیږي. ملکزی داسې لیکي: ( زه په دې باور یم؛ د دې ستر امت ژور ټپونه هلته رغېدلای شي، کله چې د قلم، اعتدال او پخلاینې نسخه وازمایل شي. تصوف د روحي ډاډ د ترلاسه کولو او د انساني سلوک د مهارولو درمل دی، خو په دې شرط چې د الله دنده، پیر او مرشد ته ونه سپارل شي او بنده، د بنده ګۍ په دائره کې بند پاتې شي).
ښاغلي ملکزي تر دې دمخه یو بل نوښت هم کړی او د اسلامي امت د وېښولو او یووالي په پار یې یو بل ګټور کتاب هم د وخت د غوښتنو سره سم د " دین او جګړه " تر سرلیک لاندې راټول، ترتیب او تألیف کړی وو چې د مینه والو له خوا وستايل شو. د هغه کتاب د شا پر پښتۍ/ وقایې یې خپل دریځ د کتاب متن څخه را اخیستې او نچوړ یې یو ځانګړی پیغام له ځان سره لري. ملکزی لیکي: (د نړۍ زیاتره جنګونه اقتصادي، سیاسي او سلیقوي دي؛ خو د خلکو سترګو ته د دین خاورې شیندل کیږي، ځکه هغه سپېڅلتیا لري او بازار یې تود دی. په خپل ذات کې هیڅ جنګ سپېڅلی نه دی، مذهبي ناره د ذهن د حجرو پر ځای؛ سیده د زړه تاخچو ته کوزیږي او عاطفه په سوچ باندې غلبه مومي. هره جګړه غالب او مغلوب لري، خو د مذهبي جنګونو ټول اړخونه په ماتې محکوم دي. ښه جګړه مار ډیر کله بریالی سیاستوال نه وي؛ وجه یې دا ده چې جنګ د باروتو لوبه ده او سیاست د مصلحتونو سیالي. ټول اسماني ادیان، تلمود، ویدا او بودا هم خپلو پیروانو ته د یوه بېګناه انسان د مرۍ د خپه کولو اجازه نه ورکوي. نو څومره به ښه وي که د افراط او تفریط په ځای اعتدال، د جګړې په ځای سولې او د ټوپک په ځای د قلم نسخه وازمایل شي).
اوس نو تاسو درانه لوستونکي د دغو کرښو تر لوستلو وروسته، د ښاغلي ملکزي په اړه ښه قضاوت کولای شئ چې د روحاني سپیڅلتیا او نفسي غوښتنو په هندارې کې د هغه دریځ او هڅه وڅارۍ. په عمر، پوهې او قلم یې لا برکتونه شه.
میرعنایت الله سادات
مدتهاست که سلسلۀ از اظهارات ناشیانه پیرامون محل پیدایش و رشد زبان دری در رسانه های اجتماعی انعکاس میآبد.ازآنجائیکه توجه به زبان و فرهنگ ، همچنان محافظت هردوی آن جهت ارث گذاری برای نسل های آینده ، وظیفۀ هر انسان است. این قلم لازم می بیند تا مطالب ذیل را بخاطرروشن شدن واقعیت ها ، توأم با ارائۀ یک سلسله مستندات تقدیم نماید.
خوانندگان این نوشته ، حتما" ازطریق رسانه ها آگاهی یافته اند که بعضی بی خبران با بکاربرد نام " زبان دری " موافق نبوده وبکاربرد آنرا جزء از"توطئه"های رژیم شاهی دراواسط قرن بیستم میدانند. آنها ادعا مینمایند که فارسی نام زبان ما بوده ونمی بائیست نام کتب درسی ازفارسی به دری تغیر میکرد. همچنان ازاعضای لویه جرگۀ قانون اساسی سال 1964 انتقاد مینمایند که چرا اصطلاح زبان دری را در قانون اساسی افغانستان مندرج ساخته اند.این منتقدین استدلال مینمایند که قبل ازین تغیرات ، دولتهای افغانستان همیشه کلمۀ " فارسی" را بکار می گرفتند وهیچگاه اصطلاح " دری " را استعمال ننموده اند .
با بکاربرد چنین استدلال معلوم نیست که هدف آنها چیست ؟ آیا آنها ازتاریخ زبان خود بی خبرند ویا قصدا" با چنین دلایل ، به زیرساخت فرهنگ خود صدمه زده وازحقایق چشم پوشی مینمایند ؟.
هنوز سرودن شعردری درسرزمین فارس رایج نشده وشاعری در آن خطه ظهور نکرده بود که درزبان دری افغانستان طی نیمۀ اول قرن سوم هجری ، شعرای چون حنظلۀ بادغیسی ، عباسی مروزی وابوحفص صفدی با رسم الخط نوین زبان دری ظهورکردند. همچنان مادر شعر دری ( رابعۀ بلخی) درنیمۀ نخست سدۀ چهارم هجری (مطابق 943- 914 م) با اشعارجذابش دربلخ سربلند کرد.همین طور مقارن به آن عصروزمان ، می توان ازین شعرای بزرگ دری دربلخ نام برد:
- ناصرخسروکه دراخیر قرن چهارم وشروع قرن پنجم هجری می زیست.
- ابوشکوربلخی یکی از شعرای نامدارقرن چهارم هجری است.
- دقیقی بلخی شاعر معروف قرن چهارم هجری میباشد.
- عنصری بلخی که در اواخرقرن چهارم وشروع قرن پنجم زندگی داشت.
دردورۀ غزنویان " شهرغزنه که یک کانون ادب دری درآسیای وسطی بود ، شعرای چون عنصری ، فرخی ، سنائی ، مسعود سعد ، ابوالفرج وسید حسن غزنوی را درخود می پرورید ".(1)
تأثیر تمدن غزنه درپرورش ، اعتلا وتوسعۀ زبان دری بسیاربزرگ است. دردربارسلطان محمودغزنوی چهارصد ادیب وشاعری که مقام عالی آنها درشعروادب تثبیت شده بود. مورد تفقد سلطان قرارگرفته وبه منزلت خاص برگزیده شده بودند. برخی از آنها مانند بیهقی ، منوچهری وفردوسی ازدوردست ها به آنجا روی آورده بودند.
ازولایت هرات شعراء ونویسندگانی زیادی دربوستان ادب دری قامت افراشته اند که خواجه عبدالله انصاری (381 - 396 قمری) و مولانا عبدالرحمن جامی درقرن پنجم هجری ممثل آنها میباشد
اما شعرای نامداراین زبان (دری) درسرزمین فارس چند قرن بعد سربلند کرده اند. مانند خواجه حافظ شیرازی که درسالهای 727-792 هجری قمری و همچنان حضرت سعدی که یکی از سرآمدان زبان دری است ، در سالهای 691- 585 هجری قمری در آن خطه میزیستند.
محقق توانای کشور داکترحیدرژوبل درمورد پیدایش زبان دری مینگارد که زبان دری قرنها قبل از ظهوراسلام درافغانستان وجود داشت. سپس این زبان به غرب کشوریعنی ایران امروزی انتشار یافت. (2)
محل پیدایش زبان دری درمنطقۀ تخار ، واقع درشمال افغانستان بود.. ازهمین جهت این زبان ابتداء به نام " تخاری" و سپس " دوهری " یاد میشد. تا بالاخره اسم " دری " را بخود گرفت .
وقتی که زبان دری درسرزمین افغانستان وماوراالنهرترویج یافته بود ، هنوزدرایران نظم ونثرادب دری وجود نداشت.تا اینکه انتشارزبان دری در ایران نیزبه یک ضرورت واقعی مبدل شد. زیرا زبان مروج آن سرزمین ، یعنی زبان پهلوی نتوانست که بالاثرعربی سازی دورۀ اموی ها (661- 750 م) در برابر زبان پختۀ عربی مقاومت کند. بناء" همگام با ترویج اسلام از مکالمه و نوشته خارج گردید .
اما زبان دری بخاطرقابلیت کافی ترجمه از عربی به دری ، در جایگاهش باقی ماند. سرانجام درعصرطاهریان ( 205 -259 هه ) زبان دری با رسم الخط عربی آرایش یافت . واضح است که با ترویج اسلام ، زبان عربی برزبان دری اثر گذاشت و شمارزیادی ازاصطلاحات و لغات عربی در زبان دری بکار گرفته شد. اما به کارگیری کلمات عربی درراه تکامل زبان دری مانعی را بوجود نیآورد. برعکس " اقتباس وزن وقافیه از شعرعربی ، کمک کرد که اشعار دری نیز مانند زبان عربی موزون و مقفی باشد". (3)
احمد علی کهزاد درین ارتباط تذکر میدهد : " زبان دری بعد از طی دورۀ نضج وقوام ادبی خویش درچهارقرن اول هجری درافغانستان ، بطرف سرحدات غربی آن انتشاریافته وزبان پهلوی را به مناطق غربی عقب زد و جای آن را اشغال کرد. به اصطلاح ملک الشعرا بهار بعد از تسلط سلجوقی ها برعراقین (الف) این معنی قوت یافت. یعنی زبان دری کمال انبساط یافت " (4) این انبساط با تسلط طغرل سلجوقی بر بغداد(1062م) بیشترشد. زیرا وزیر فاضل اوعبدالملک کندری دفاترکشورفارس را از عربی به دری برگرداند (5).
متأسفانه با وجود تمام این حقایق ، گروههای معین میکوشند که اصطلاح " فارسی " را جانشین کلمۀ " دری" بسازند ویا پس از هزار جاروجنجال آنرا " فارسی دری" بنامند. درحالیکه این زبان طوریکه در بالا به آن اشاره شد ، ابتداء دریکی از ولایت های شمال افغانستان بنام تخاربوجود آمد . بناء" باید کلمۀ دری منطبق با اصل پیدایش آن بکارگرفته شود. اگرایرانی ها این اصل را رعایت نکرده و مطابق میل خود زبان دری را نامگذاری مینمایند ، کار خود شان است .اما هموطنان ما باید به این مسئله از دید فرهنگ ملی خویش برخورد نمایند. همانطوریکه درین مقال روی محل پیدایش ، تاریخ وکیفیت زبان دری تآکید شد ، اینک برداشت شعرای بزرگ بالوسیلۀ سروده های زیبای شان درمورد زبان زیبای دری پیشکش میگردد. تا جای هیچگونه ابهام وسوُ تفاهم درمورد بکاربرد " زبان دری " باقی نماند .
چوعندلیب فصاحت فروشد ای حافظ
توقدر او به سخن گفتن دری بشکن
" حافظ "
زشعردلکش حافظ کسی بود آگاه
که لطف طبع وسخن گفتن دری داند
" حافظ "
هزاربلبل داستان سرای عاشق را
ببآید از توسخن گفتن دری آموخت
" سعدی"
قلم است این به دست سعدی دُر
یا هزار آستین دُر دری
" سعدی "
حضرت سعدی آنهایی را که به نظم دری کمتر علاقه میگیرند ، انتقاد مینماید :
چون در دو رستۀ دهانت
نظم سخن دری ندیدست
" سعدی "
کجا بیور(ب) از پهلوانی شمار
بود در زبان دری ده هزار
" فردوسی "
گزارنده (ج) را پیش بنشاندند
همه نامه بررودگی خواندند
بفرمود تا فارسی دری
بگفتند وکوتاه شد داوری
" فردوسی"
من آنم که درپای خوکان نریزم
مراین قیمتی دُر لفظ دری را
" ناصر خسرو"
به فرخنده فالی و نیک اختری
گشادم دَرگنج دُر دری
" عنصری"
شکرلله که ترا یافتم ای بحر سخا
از توصلت زمن اشعار با الفاظ دری
" سنائی "
از دو دیوانم به تازی و دری
یک هجا و فخش هرگز کس ندید
" انوری "
نظامی که نظم دری کار اوست
دری نظم کردن سزاوار اوست
" نظامی"
دل بدان یافتی از من که نیکو دانی خواند
مدحت خواجۀ آزاده به الفاظ دری
" فرخی "
پیوسته به الفاظ دری وصف توگویم
چون مدح خداوند به الفاظ حجازی
" جبلی"
گرچه مرا به شعرگویان جهان فخر آمدی
من در شعردری ، برروی شان نکشودمی
" قطران تبریزی"
دُر دری را ازقلم در رشتۀ جان کرده ام
پس باز بگشاده رهم برشاه وبالا ریخته
" خاقانی"
که شعردری شد زمن نامجو
از آن یافت شاعر و شعر آبرو
" ملک الشعرا بهار"
ملک الشعرا بهار متکی بر نقل قول یکی از روحانیون میسراید :
گفت پیغمبرکه دارند اهل فردوس برین
برزبان لفظ دری ، جای زبان مادری
بی گمان پس خازن فردوس ، فردوسی بود
که بوُد او بی شبهه ربع النوع گفتار دری
" ملک الشعرا بهار"
شاعران بر تو همی خوانند هردم آفرین
گه به الفاظ حجازی گه به الفاظ دری
" لامعی گرگانی"
بهانه هاست نماندن مرا و یک آن است
که است مردن من ، مردن زبان دری
" داکترمحمدی حمیدی شیرازی"
گرچه هندی درعذوبت (د) شکراست
طرزگفتار دری شیرین تر است
" اقبال لاهوری"
توضیحات :
الف - منظور از عراقین ، سرزمین آنوقت فارس میباشد که پس از تسلط اعراب ، منضم به عراق گردیده و به همین نام جزء قلمرواعراب شناخته شد.
ب - معنی بیور، عددی است معادل ده هزار
ج - گزارنده به معنی " پیام گزار" است
د - معنی عذوبت ، گوارا بودن (آب ، شراب وغیره ) است
موًخذات :
1- میرغلام محمد غبار" افغانستان در مسیر تاریخ " صفحۀ 14، مرکز نشراتی میوند، پیشاور (2001 م)
2- داکتر حیدرژوبل " تاریخ ادبیات افغانستان " مطبعۀ کابل ، سال 1336هه
3 - محمد محیط طباطبایی" دُر دری " صفحۀ 56 ، مجموعۀ مقالات ، مطبعۀ انتشارات کیهان ، تهران (1373م)
4 - احمد علی کهزاد " (1951م) " افغانستان و ایران " کنفرانس آقای کهزاد درموزۀ ایران باستان ، چاپخانۀ مظاهری ، تهران صفحۀ 33 - همچنان چاپ مطبعۀ دولتی کابل سال م1951
5 - میرغلام محمد غبار" افغانستان در مسیر تاریخ " صفحۀ 126 ، مرکز نشراتی میوند ، پیشاور- 2001 م
ډاکټر لطیف یاد
تصوف یا صوفیزم د لوی خدای سره د انسان د مستقیم تړاو او د نړۍ د مادي خواهشاتو اوغوښتنو سره د پریکون وسیله ګڼله کیږي. تصوف داسې ډول رياضت دی چې د کشف او شهود له لارې، د الله تعالی د پېژندلو او د هغه ذات ته د رسېدلو او نږدې کېدلو لپاره تر سره کیږي. رښتینې صوفي د دغې لارې لاروی دی او د عرفاني سلوک په مرسته کولاې شي خپل نفس له بدیو پاک او هغه حقیقت ته ځان ورسوي چې دی یې په هڅه کې دی.
سترو نومیالیو صوفیانو او د حق د لارې سالکینو په خپلو روحاني کمالاتو سره د لرغونو زمانو نه زموږ تر وخته پورې د تصوف ډیوې بلې ساتلې او د وختونو په تېریدو سره ستر شخصیتونه په کې رامینځ ته شوي دي. په دغو صوفیانو، عارفانو او د حق د لارې په لارویانو کې یې ځینې حتی د نړیوال شهرت درلودونکي دي. زموږ په ګران هېواد افغانستان کې هم ستر صوفیان تیر شوي دي چې په هغو کې د مولانا جلال الدین محمد بلخي، خواجه عبدالله انصاري او حکیم سنایي غزنوي نومونه د ځانګړي شهرت نه برخمند دي.
همدا راز په پښتنو صوفیانو کې د شیخ متي بابا، پیر روښان، میرزا خان انصاري، رحمان بابا، حنان بارکزي، حافظ الپوري او حمزه بابا نومونه د یادولو وړ دي. دوئ نه یوازې صوفیان او عارفان تیر شوي دي بلکې د پښتو ادب بڼ یې هم په خپلو صوفیانه اشعارو سره رنګین کړی او ځانګړې ښکلا یې ورته بښلې ده. زموږ په هیواد کې همدا اوس د چشتیه، قادریه او نقشبندیه عرفاني طریقو د پیروانو شمېر ډیر زیات دی؛ دوئ خپلې خانقاوې او د ذکر حلقې هم لري.
د ډیر ویاړ او خوشالۍ ځای دی چې په تصوف کې د لومړي ځل لپاره زموږ د هېواد تکړه لیکوال او څيړونکي، ښاغلي ولي الله ملکزي صاحب چې تر دې د مخه یې هم نور ډیرعلمي کتابونه او مقالې په پښتو ژبې لیکلي دي او پر څو بهرنیو ژبو بشپړ برلاسی لري. دا دی اوس یې د (تصوف، روحانیت او کږلیچونه) په نامه جامع، هر اړخېزه او پنډ کتاب لیکلی او تازه له چاپه راوتلې دی. که څه هم موږ په پښتو ژبه کې د تصوف اړوند ډیر کتابونه نه لرو او که لرو یې هم، نو دومره هر اړخیره او شامل نه دي لیکل شوي لکه څومره چې په دې کتاب کې یې بشپړ تفصیلات راغلي دي.
ښاغلي ملکزي صاحب د تصوف په اړه د معتبرو انګریزي، عربي، پښتو، فارسي او اردو آثارو او منابعو تر لوستلو وروسته موږ ته یو داسې په زړه پورې کتاب لیکلی او را ډالۍ کړی دی چې نه یوازې موږ او تاسو د تصوف د تعریف او پیدایښت د لاملونو سره آشنا کوي، بلکې د ده په کتاب کې داسې جالبه مطالب هم شته چې موږ ته د تصوف بېلا بېل اړخونه هم راپیژني؛ د بېلګې په توګه: تصوف د صوفیانو له نظره، د تصوف تدریجي پړاوونه، د تصوف ځانګړي اصطلاحات، د تصوف مقامونه، په تصوف کې د پیر او مرشد درجې او رتبې، له فسلفې سره د تصوف توپیر، په اسلامي نړۍ کې د تصوف ګڼ شمیر ډلې او همدا راز د سترو عرفاني شخصیتونو او څیرو پېژندنه او ژوند لیکونه.
د دې کتاب ارزښت:
ما دا علمي او تحقیقی اثر سر تر پایه ولوست او دې پایلې ته ورسېدلم چې:
۱. دا کتاب په پښتو ژبه کې لومړنی اثر دی چې د تصوف بېلا بېل اړخونه په کې څېړل شوي دي.
۲. کتاب په روانه او خوږه پښتو لیکل شوی دی، عبارتونه یې پیچلي نه دي او لوستونکی یې له لوستلو خوند اخلي.
۳. په دې اثر کې له مهمو او معتبرو آثارو او کتابونو څخه ګټه اخېستل شوې ده.
۴. د دې کتاب په لیکلو کې د علمي – تحقیقي منل شوي څېړندود او مېتودولوجۍ نه کار اخیستل شوی دی.
په پای کې فاضل شخصیت، ښاغلي ولي الله ملکزي صاحب ته د دې ارزښتناک اثر د لیکلو او چاپ ته د سپارلو مبارکي وایم او له لویه خدایه ورته د پښتو ژبې په چوپړ کې د لا زیاتو بریاوو هېله کوم.
په ډېر ادب او درنښت
د پرت ښار - لوېدېزه آسترالیا
د ۲۰۲۳ زیږدیز کال د جون د میا شتې ۱۷ نېټه
یادونه: که لوستونکي وخت او علاقه لري، کولاې شي د ملکزي نورې لیکنې او څیړنې د هغه په فیسبوک او یوټیوب چینل کې ولولي او وګوري.
ادرس یې دا دی: Wali Malakzay
مصاحبه کننده: انجنیر عبدالقادرمسعود
داکتر مسعوده قاضی وزیری شخصیت فرهیخته، ګرانمایه، مهربان و صمیمی، نویسنده ورزیده و پرکار با اندیشه های روشنګرانه و میهن دوستانه، شاعر نازک اندیش و شرین کلام شعر و ادب زبان دری-فارسی است.او توانسته است با قلم، دانش، فهم و ذکاوت خویش به وسیله آثار و اشعار ناب خود مشعل پر جلال شعر و ادب را فروزان نګهدارد. محترمه مسعوده قاضی وزیری در دیار غربت و مهاجرت و دوری از وطن با کار ها و فعالیت های مفید و پر ثمر در آثار پر بها و اشعار زیبای خود افکار و اندیشه های سالم، احساسات و عواطف انسانی خود را به طور آګاهانه، با احساس مسوولیت پاک وطنی و ملی که دارد درمورد وطنش، رنج و مصیبت های که امروز هموطنان ما دامنګیر آنست اظهار نموده است.
محترم نورالدین همسنګر نویسنده برجسته، سخنور آګاه، ادیب و شاعر مبتکر و شرین کلام در یکی از نوشته های خود در مورد شخصیت ادبی، سیاسی و اجتماعی داکتر مسعوده قاضی وزیری چنان میفرماید:
((.... داکتر مسعوده قاضی وزیری یکی از بانوان پرکار و سخت کوش با حضور فعال و گسترده در فعالیت های سیاسی، اجتماعی و فرهنگی و غلبه بر دشواری های سنگین و نفسگیر زندگی توانسته است راه خود را بسوی دستیابی به آرزو های بزرگ انسانی باز نماید.
از آنجاییکه فشار های گونه گون اجتماعی برخاسته از جامعه ی سنتی و مرد محور بر طبع لطیف و روان حساس زنان رنجدیده کشور ما اثر ژرف و ناگوار گذاشته است، میتوان آنرا در رویکرد های حساسی و عاطفی زنان شاعر از جمله در سروده های بانو وزیری نیز به وضاحت مشاهده نمود.
یکی از مشخصه های بارز شعر او تبلور و بیان درد های توان سوز ناشی از مهاجرت، تنهایی و آواره گی و دوری از وطن است که در سخنان بسیاری از شاعران ما سایه افگنده است.
ازسوی دیگر درون مایه سروده های بانو وزیری مملو از تخیل عالی، مهربانی، آزادگی و گاهی هم بیم و امید های فراوانی است که شعرش را از دیگران متمایز می سازد.
درهمه داشته های وی بیان واقعیت های ملموس زندگی در قالب سروده های دلنشین با تازه گی های لازم جا گرفته است.
وقتی میگوید:
تو در من آتشی هستی فراموشت نخواهم کرد
به گلدانم گلی هستی فراموشت نخواهم کرد
و یا در سروده نیمایی:
گاه در اوج تمنای خیال
بر رخ خاطره ها
روی تو را میبینم
چه دلگیرم کرد گردش ثانیه ها
غربت خفته درین قافیه ها.
و یا هم
ای آسمان زیبا ،امشب دلم گرفته
از های و هوی دنیا، امشب دلم گرفته
امشب خیال دارم تا صبح گریه کردن
شرمنده ام خدایا امشب دلم گرفته
خون دل شکسته بر دیدگان نشسته
باید شود هویدا امشب دلم گرفته.
سکوی پروازش در هنر شعر پر پهنا و چشمه سار پر زلال سروده های دلکش او درکام علاقمندانش گورا باد.))
واقعن خدمات فراوان و روشنګرانه، مفید و مثمر داکتر مسعود قاضی وزیری در غنامندی و شګوفایی شعر، ادب و فرهنګ کشور ما قابل تمجید و ستایش است.
محترم دستګیر نایل نویسنده ګرانمایه، شاعر مستعد، مرد سخن و ادب و داستان نویس ورزیده در یکی از نوشته های خود در مورد شخصیت علمی و ادبی داکتر مسعود قاضی وزیری چنان میفرماید:
((...ډاکتر مسعوده قاضی وزیری، دختر قاضی عبدالرزاق و در یک خانواده ی روشنفکر دینی بدنیا امده است.تعلیمات ابتدایی و لیسه را در لیسه رابعه بلخی و دارالمعلمین سید جمال الدین به پایان رسانیده و تحصیلات عالی خود را در کشور های پاکستان ، هندوستان و ناروی در رشته ی ( روابط بین الملل ) ختم کرده است.به زبان های پشتو، فارسی، انگلیسی و نارویژی تسلط کامل دارد.
بانو وزیری، زن چند بعدی است.در نیم رخی، از فعالان نستوه و دایم الفعال فرهنگی، سیاسی و از مدافعان جدی حقوق زن در حلقات سیاسی فرهنگی کشور ما است.
و در نیم رخ دیگر، بانو وزیری شاعر و نویسنده ی متعهد هم است.شعر های بانو وزیری حاوی پیام های عاشقانه و حماسی و اخلاقی است.گزینه ای از سروده هایش زیر عنوان ( لاله ء سیاه) اقبال چاپ یافته اما به نسبت گرفتاری ها بقیه ئ نوشته ها و سروده هایش تا هنوز به زیور چاپ آراسته نشده است. بانو وزیری بیشتر در قالب های اوزان عروضی مانند غزل شعر می سراید و گاه هم به اوزان نیمایی طبع آزمایی کرده است. غزل های بانو وزیری از متانت، پختگی و صناعات بدیعی برخوردار است.ترکیب ها و استعاره های نو و بدیع در آثارش به فراوانی خوانده می شود.به این دو نمونه از اشعار او در وزن عروضی و نیمایی می بینیم که با چه پختگی و روانی احساس درونی خود را به تصویر کشیده است:
_ تو در من آتشی هستی که خاموشت نخواهم کرد به گلدانم گلی هستی فراموشت نخواهم کرد مرا جان تا بجان باشد ، به عشقت کوهِ سنگینم تو ای شهزاده ی عشقم ، سیه پوشت نخواهم کرد
این هم نمونه ای از شعر آزاد نیمایی او:
_ گاه در اوج تمنای خیال بر رخ خاطره ها،
روی تو را می بینم
و چه دلگیرم کرد ، گردش ثانیه ها
غربت خفته در این قافیه ها ،
سایه هایی که جدا افتادند
اشک هایی که در ان حسرت سرد ؛
ساده جان می دادند....
برای بانو وزیری پیروزی های بیشتر آرزو می کنم.))
به خاطری معرفی و شناخت بیشتر و بهتر محترمه داکتر مسعوده قاضی وزیری توجه شما عزیزان، دوستان و علاقمندان علم، شعر و ادب را به این ګفت و شنود جلب مینمایم.
محترمه داکتر قاضی وزیری سلام های مرا بپذیرید،اجازه دهید پرسشهای خود را آغاز نمایم.
محترم انجنیر عبدالقادرمسعود نخست از همه درود و سلام خود را خدمت شما دوست عزیز و بزرګوار و همه دوستان و علاقمندان تقدیم میدارم. از شما سپاسګزارم، بفرمایید من در خدمتم.
مسعود: محترمه داکتر مسعوده قاضی وزیری نظر به شناختی که از شما دارم، شما در دنیای علم، ادب، شعر و شاعری به حیث ادیب آگاه، شاعر با استعداد و ورزید معرفی هستید. بگذار یک بار دیگر هموطنان ما در داخل و خارج از سرزمین باستانی و مدنیت پرورما با شخصیت علمی، ادبی و هنری شما بیشتر آشنا شوند.
پس مهربانی نموده در مورد زندگی علمی، هنری، ادبی، فرهنگی و شخصی خود به طور مختصر معلومات ارایه نماید.
مسعوده وزیری: مسعوده قاضی ، فرزند عبدالرزاق قاضی در یک خانواده ی متدین و روشنفکر دیده به جهان کشوده ام. تحصیلات ابتدایی و عالی را در لیسه ی رابعه بلخی و عالی را در دارالمعلمین سید جمال الدین افغانی به پایان رسانیده ام.پس از فراغت به حیث اموزگار و اندکی بعد مدیر لیسه ی عالی ابوالقاسم فردوسی شدم.در کنار خدمات تعلیمی و اموزشی برای نسل جوان کشور ، در صف جنبش ازادی بخش زنان برای تحقق دموکراسی و عدالت اجتماعی و بویژه حقوق زنان بمبارزه اغاز کردم. در سال های پسین که جنگ های تنظیمی در افغانستان اغاز شد، خانه ی ما هدف راکت های دشمن قرار گرفت و با خانواده ام به پاکستان مهاجر شدم. در شرایط دشوار مهاجرت هم آرام و بی تفاوت نه نشسته به غرض کمک به مهاجران افغان وظایف متعددی را به دوش گرفتم.
مسعود: محترمه مسعوده قاضی وزیری! شما که برای اولین بار به ژانر های علمی و ادبی دسترسی پیدا کردید، چگونه متوجه استعداد خود شدید و به هنر شعر و شاعری روی آوردید، مشوق شما کی بود، و کدام انگیزه باعث شد که به شعر گفتن آغاز نمودید؟
مسعوده وزیری: استعداد ها در شرایط خاص و در زمینه های خاص بطور خودی ظهور می کنند.و پرورش می یابند.استعداد کسبی نیست، ذاتی ، درونی و در فطرت ادمی نهفته است.انگیزه ء شعر گفتن هم یک احساس درونی و با در نظر داشت شرایط و تاثیر پذیر از اوضاع اجتماعی و زنده گی روزانه ی آدمی است.استعداد شعر سرودن در همه انسان ها نیست و از راه کسب علم و کمالات بدست نمی اید، بلکه فطری و ذاتی است.بسیار آدم های تحصیلکرده و اکادمیک هم نتوانسته اند به زور کلمات و دانستن قاعده های زبان، شعر بسرایند.برخی افراد نیمه سواد و بیسواد هم توانسته اند شعر بگویند بدون انکه تحصیل علم شعر را کرده باشند.( بانو سمنبوی هراتی) یک زن بیسواد بود شعر هایش را دیگران در کتابچه اش می نوشتند.صوفی عشقری هم تحصیلات مدرسه ای داشت و اما شعر های بلندی سروده است.علامه صلاح الدین سلجوقی بیدل شناس مشهور، بسیار کوشید شعر بسراید اما توفیق نیافت.
مسعود: نظریه پردازان ادبی، شاعران و منتقدان، تعریفهای گوناگون و بی شماری از «شعر» ارایه داده اند. شما چطور شعر را تعریف مینماید و به نظر شما شعر خوب چیست؟ و شاعر خوب کیست؟
مسعوده وزیری: شعر، تعریف مشخصی ندارد.در تعریف شعر دید گاههای متفاوت وجود دارد.بره اند شعر، احساس دل است و انچه از دل بر خیزد، لاجرم بر دل نشیند.ملک الشعراء بهار گفته است ( شعر ان باشد که خیزد بر دل و جوشد به لب // باز بر دل ها نشیند هر کجا گوشی شنفت ) برخی هم گویند که شعر بیان درد ها و حقایق بیرونی اند توسط احساس درونی و با کلمات موزون گفته میشود.بشرط انکه تصاویر شاعرانه داشته باشد و پیامی را القا کند.« شکسپیر» شاعر انگلیسی گفته است : ( شعر بدون پیام، به سیب سرخی میماند که درونش را کرم خورده باشد) یعنی شعر انست که از خود پیامی داشته باشد.این سخن در تمام هنر ها مصداق دارد.قدما، در شعر عناصر خیال، قافیه و وزن را الزامی میدانند. (نظامی عروضی سمرقندی ) در کتاب چهار مقاله می گوید که شعر عبارت از سخن موزون، ُمقفی و ُمخِیل است » یعنی عناصر خیال و وزن و قافیه از ارکان مهم شعر است.سخن دوکتور زیار هم دقیق است که زبان در شعر یک عنصر هم است.همه می دانند که ادبیات و از جمله شعر، یک هنر زبانی است.که بوسیله ی زبان بیان می شود.پس زبان هم یک از ارکان مهم شعر است.
مسعود: شما با استناد سخنان نویسندګان بزرگ، در شعر الهام، خیالات، احساسات و تصاویر عاطفی را چگونه ارزیابی مینماید؟ به نظر شما سرایدن و نوشتن شعر الهام است و یا ریاضت و تجربه انسانی؟
مسعوده وزیری: در شعر سرودن،« الهام» نقش اساسی را دارد.الهام مانند وحی در شعر است همانطور که « وحی» به پیامبران است الهام هم مایه ی اصلی شاعر است.پس از الهام، عناصر خیال( تشبیه، استعاره، تمثیل ،کنایه و مانند این ها) نقش مهم را دارند.بدون رعاین این عناصر، شعر نیست، بلکه یک نثر است.این تصاویر خیال است که شعر را غنا می بخشد و بکمال می رساند.لذا شعر، هم حاصل الهام است و هم حاصل تجربه های انسان است.
مسعود: شما در سرودن شعر مناظر و تصویر سازی را چگونه ارزیابی مینماید؟ تفاوت میان تصویر و مناظر ذهنی و عینی در چه است؟
مسعوده وزیری: شعر، یعنی بیان احساس با تصاویر شاعرانه و خیال انگیز. بدون این عناصر، شعر معنا پیدا نمی کند.
مسعود: خانم مسعوده وزیری! درمورد غزل که از کهن ترین و شور انگیز ترین قالبهای زبان دری- پارسی است چگونه می اندیشید؟ تفاوت میان غزل سنتی و غزل تصویری در چه است؟
مسعوده وزیری: غزل، یکی از ژانر های مهم و زیبای شعر است.برای همین است که حتا شاعران قصیده سرا و مثنوی سرایان بزرگی چون ناصر خسرو و مولانا هم غزل سروده اند.دیوان کبیر شمس مولانا از گنجینه های بزرگ غزل در ادب فارسی است که هم عرفانی و هم فلسفی وهم عاشقانه است. غزل ها همه اش پر از تصاویر هنری و شاعرانه اند میان غزل سنتی و غزل امروز جز از موتیف های امروزی و دیروزی و صور خیال شاعر دیگر فرقی ندارند.تفاوت شعر امروز با شعر کلاسیک از لحاظ محتوی فقط در اوزان است.شعر کلاسیک تابع اوزان عروضی است.اما شعر امروز از قید اوزان عروضی ازاد است.دلیل اش این است که شاعر نوگرا می خواهد خود را از قید اوزان ازاد کند و هر انچه دلش می خواهد بگوید.تصاویر هنری شعر کلاسیک با تصاویر امروز در جاهایی فرق دارد. چون پدیده های امروزی فرق دارند.و تغییر کرده اند.وقتی فروغ فرخزاد در مصرعی میگوید: ( در اتاقی که به اندازه ی یک تنهایی است ) اگر می گفت به اندازه ی یک هکتار زمین است و یا ده متر مربع است، سخن، شاعرانه با صور خیال نمی شد.مگر تنهایی را میتوان اندازه کرد؟ مگر شاعر لایتناهی بودن را به « تنهایی» تشبیه کرده است.
مسعود: محترمه مسعوده وزیری! تفاوت میان شعر سپید، نو، آزاد و کلاسیک را چگونه ارزیابی مینماید؟ مهربانی نموده در مورد پیدایش و ظهور این اشعار معلومات ارایه نماید.
مسعوده وزیری: شعر سپید یا نو را « نیما یوسیج» شاعر ایرانی بنیاد گذاشت.نیما هم از شعر های ازاد اروپایی ها مانند فرانسوی و انگلیسی و ... اموخت و به ایران تعمیم بخشید.من، هم شعر در اوزان عروضی و کلاسیک سروده ام.
مسعود: مرحوم کاظم شیدا شاعر زبان پشتو میفرماید
مضمون د شعر لکه پیکر وي + رنګین الفاظ یې رخت او زیور وي
ورته ضرور دي دا دواړه څیزه + پیکر که هر څومره دلربا تر وي
خانم مسعوده وزیری! شما در شعر و شاعری محتوا، پیام، مضمون، عشق، محبت و زیبایی را چگونه ارزیابی مینماید؟
مسعوده وزیری: شعر همیشه با زیبایی، عشق، احساس و عاطفه همراه بوده است. عشق در هر بُعد ان چه میهنی باشد و چه عشق حقیقی و خانواده گی و فرزندان و دیگران.شعر در قالب لفظ، بیانگر معنا است. بقول بیدل : بدون لفظ محال است جلوه ی معنی // همان به کسوت اسما ببین مسما را شکل بیرونی شعر، لفظ است و شکل درونی ان معنی.تا لفظ ظاهر نشود، معنی جلوه گر نمی شود.
مسعود: به نظر شما تفاوت شعر با نثر در چه چیزی است؟ در بیداری و روشنگری ذهنیت مردم، شعر نقش و رول اثر گزار دارد و یا نثر ؟ آيا شما هم آثار منثور دارید و اگر دارید آنرا معرفی نماید.
مسعوده وزیری: تفاوت شعر با نثر، مشخص است.شعر با الهام، احساس، عاطفه و صور خیال سرو کار دارد.و نثر، سخن اشکار است در قید الفاظ. شعر در بیداری ذهن ها، و احساسات شنونده و توده ها تاثیر شگرفی دارد.تجربه نشان داده است که تاثیر شعر بر شعور و اگاهی و عواطف مردم تا چه حد اثر گذار بوده است.وقتی در اجتماع مردم، تظاهرات و گرد همایی ها شعری دلنشین و تحریک کننده خوانده شود می بینیم که بیشتر از بیانیه ها وسخنرانی های اتشین اثر می گذارد
مسعود: محترمه مسعوده وزیری! درمورد سبک و مکتبهای ادبي چگونه می اندیشید؟ هر شاعر از یک سبک و مکتب خاص ادبی پیــروی میکنـــد شما در انتخاب اشعار تان از کدام سبک و مکتب ادبی استفاده مینماید؟
مسعوده وزیری: در باره ی سبک های ادبی نظر دادن بگمانم فکر باطل و بی معنی است. سبک ادبی عبارت است از روش، طرز بیان و سلیقه ها و موتیف ها و مفاهیم خاص یک دسته از شاعران که مشخصات خودش را دارد.مثلا در سبک خراسانی بیان احساسات میهن دوستی، ازادی خواهی و رزم جویانه و مفاهیمی از این دست کار گرفته می شود.شاهنامه فردوسی نمونه ی کامل این سبک است.در سبک عراقی بیشتر مفاهیم فلسفی، عرفانی، اخلاقی و تربیتی بیان میشود و از کار برد این مفاهیم فهمیده میشود که شعر در سبک عراقی سروده شده است. اثار مولانا،سنایی ،حافظ وسعدی نمونه های انست.
مسعود: به نظر شما سمبول در زبان، ادب و شعر چه تعریف دارد، تفاوت میان سمبول های اشعار کلاسیک و معاصر در چه است؟
مسعوده وزیری: سیمبول، در شعر یک نماد است، یک نوع بیان پیچیده و تامل پذیر است که از طریق قرینه ها فهم معنی می شود. مثلا ( لاله) در شعر اقبال لاهوری سیمبول ازادی و ازاده گی است ( ابله، ) در شعر بیدل، نماد رنج و سختی کشیدن ها است و ( آیینه) نماد یا سیمبول دل است ، سیمبول تجلی نور خداست که در دل انسان جلوه گر میشود.همچنان نماد خود بینی، غرور و تکبر است.( ای ایینه منزلت مبارک باشد // کن جلوه مقابلت، مبارک باشد // امد زسفر کسی که دل با او بود // بیدل دلت اکنون مبارک باشد ) داستان « پاد شاه و کنیزک» در مثنوی معنوی،شاه و کنیز دو سیمبول از «روح» و « نفس» آدمی است.که در واقع « نقد حال» ما انسان ها را بیان کرده است.
مسعود: شما در مورد پیوند شعر و فلسفه و شاعران فلسفی چګونه می اندیشید؟ مهربانی نموده از شاعران مشهور زبانهای پشتو و دری- پارسی و اشعار برګزیده ای شان درین عرصه نام ببرید.
مسعوده وزیری: فلسفه با شعر رابطه ی گسست نا پذیری دارد.در شعر بسیاری از شاعران سایه روشن هایی از فلسفه را می توان دید.اشعار مولانا و ناصر خسرو و سنایی و رحمان بابا و خوشحال خان ختک نمونه های ان را میتوان دید.
مسعود: به نظر شما تعریف اسطوره در ادب و شعر چیست؟ تفاوت میان اسطوره و سمبول را چگونه ارزیابی مینماید؟ مهربانی نموده از آثار ادیبان و شاعران مشهور و معروف زبانهای پشتو و دری- پارسی درین عرصه نام ببرید.
مسعوده وزیری: اسطوره، قصه ها و روایات کهن و قهرمانی های شخصیت ها عینی و یا ذهنی در میان مردم است. که بتاریخ پیوسته اما در ذهن ها باقی مانده اند.اسطوره ی « سیزیف» در قصه های کهن یو نانی ها و « خشم آشیل» اسطوره ی (توفان نوح) در ادیان ابراهیمی و اسطوره ی ( رستم) در شاهنامه فردوسی از اساطیر مهم تاریخ اند.هر قوم و ملتی در طول تاریخ حیات برای زنده نگهداشتن هویت خود اسطوره سازی می کنند.یکی اسطوره ی مبارزات ازادی بخش می شود و دیگری اسطوره ی فرهنگ و هنر .در افغانستان قرن بیستم و بیست و یکم نیز مردم و هر قوم اسطوره هایی برای خود ساخته اند.حال انکه این اسطوره ها برای مردم و قوم دیگر اسطوره شناخته نشده است.مثال هایش بسیار روشن است و نیازی به نام بردن ندارد.
مسعود: در ادبیات پشتو و دری - پارسی اشعار حماسی و اشعار تراژدی را چگونه ارزیابی مینماید، به نظر شما کدام شعرا درین قسمت زیاتر درخشیده اند؟ لطف نموده نمونه از کلام آنها را بنویسد.
مسعوده وزیری: مهم ترین اشعار حماسی را در شاهنامه ی فردوسی می توان خواند.شاهنامه تراژدی های فراوانی هم دارد که در زبان ها همیشه جاری است.کشتن( سیاوش) بدست افراسیاب و (سهراب) بدست رستم یکی از ان تراژدی ها اند.
مسعود: امیرخسرو دهلوی شعر را به عروس تشبیه کرده و نغمه را زیور آن دانسته است. آنها میفرمایند:
نظم را حاصل عروسی دان و نغمه زیورش
نیست بی عیب اگرعروس خوب بی زیور بود
شما در مورد رابطه میان شعر و موسیقی و تاثیر آنها بالای یکدیگر چگونه می اندیشید.
مسعوده وزیری: امیر خسرو درست گفته است که شعر « عروس» سخن و زبان است.زیرا زیبایی هر زبان در شعر ان زبانست.
مسعود: اشعار تصوفی و عرفانی را چګونه ارزیابی مینماید؟ مهربانی نموده نمونه های از اشعار تصوفی و عرفانی شاعران مشهور و معروف زبان های پشتو و دری را با ما شریک سازید.
مسعوده وزیری: اشعار عرفانی و تصوفی حاصل شرایط ان زمان است.عرفان، پل وصلی است میان اهل فقه و حدیث و مکتب و دانش ان زمان عرفان کوشید تا مدرسه و مدرنیته را باهم اشتی بدهد و راه رسیدن به حقیقت را اسان بسازد.مانند مذهب سختگیر و تعبدی نباشد.زیرا فقه و حدیث با دانش همان عصر در تقابل بودند.این پل اشتی پذیری و همدیگر پذیری را عرفان بنیاد گذاشت.تا انسان ها مسالمت و در صلح و اشتی زنده گی کنند.اثار سنایی و مولوی و حافظ و رحمان بابا و پیر روشان ،نمونه ی کامل این مدعا است.
مسعود: تعدادی از پژوهشگران برین عقیده اند که حضرت ابوالمعانی بیدل در شناخت عرفان و معنویت از جمله ادیبان و شاعرانی است که با آثاری مفید و توانای خود نقش برازنده ومثمری به جا گذاشته است. شما درین مورد چگونه می اندیشید؟
مسعوده وزیری: میرزا عبدالقادر بیدل، از شاعران و عارفان طراز اول شعر و ادب زبان فارسی است. بیدل در سبک هندی، خود صاحب یک مکتب است که صد ها شاعر پس از بیدل از مکتب او پیروی کرده اند.( صور خیال) در شعر بیدل ، از جمله مفهوم ( ابهام) نسبت به هر شاعر فارسی زبان برازنده تر و پیچیده تر است. به همین سبب است که بسیاری ها بیدل را شاعر مشکل پسند دانسته اند. خود بیدل نیز اشعار خود را بلند مرتبت تر از دیگران گفته و درک معنی شعر او را « سهلِ ممتنع» خوانده اند.بیدل گوید: _ ز فرق تا قدم افسون حیرتی، بیدل // کسی چه شرح دهد معنی مگوی تو را _ اگر ز ملک عدم تا وجود، فهم گماری // به جز کلام تو بیدل، دگر کلام نباشد
مسعود: مهربانی نموده از کارکرد های علمی، ادبی، هنری، سیاسی و اجتماعی تان و از تقدیر نامه هایتان که از جانب ارگانهان معتبر و خدمتگزاران علم، ادب و فرهنگ بدست آورده اید نام ببرید؟
مسعوده وزیری: فعالیت های اجتماعی، سیاسی و فرهنگی من : در شرایط مهاجرت هم من بیکار نه نشستم و به کار های خدما تی و اجتماعی زیادی مصروف شدم.
-کارمند منیجر موسسه ی دبلیو اف پی ( پروگرام جهانی مواد غذایی پاکستان ) بودم.
-دفتر ( انجیو) بنام پروگرام تعلیمی و تربیتی برای زنان مهاجر افغان ایجاد کردم
-ایجاد پروژه ء بوریا بافی برای زنان در ولایت خوست.
-ایجاد پروژه ء توزیع تخم های اصلاح شده در ولایات بغلان و جلال اباد.
-توزیع کمک های خیریه از طریق نهاد خدمت گذاران کابل که ریاست زنان انرا بدوش داشتم.
-ایجاد شبکه های نشراتی رادیو برای اولین بار به زبان های دری و پشتو در شهر ( اسلو) پایتخت ناروی زیر پوشش نشراتی در کشور های سکندناوی و دهها نهاد خیریه و کمک رسانی دیگر.که در این مختصر نمی گنجد.
-در سال 1397 کاندید مستقل حزب متحد ملی افغانستان و مردم ولایت کابل در دوره ء 17 شورای ملی بودم که در اثر تقلب های گسترده حکومت به پار لمان راه یافته نتوانستم.
-در سال 2015 به حیث مشاور حقوق بشر وزارت داخله ایفای وظیفه کردم.
-به مدت دهسال کارمند دیپلوماتیک اتحادیه ی اروپا و منحیث مسوول تیم نظارتی در کشور های اسیای میانه کار کردم. در کنار خدمات ، تحصیلات خود را نیز در جریان مهاجرت در کشور های پاکستان، هندوستان و ناروی در رشته ی ( اصول روابط بین الملل) تا سطح دوکتورا به پایان رسانیدم.به زبان های پشتو، دری، اردو وانگلیسی و نارویژی تسلط کامل دارم. افزود بر این وظایف و خدمات یاد شده، با قلم و اندیشه و فرهنگ هم سرو کار داشتم.شعر های حماسی اجتماعی و عاشقانهء فراوانی سروده ام.که تعداد ان به بیش از هزار قطعه می رسد.اما بدلیل دشواری هایی که فرا راهم بود نتوانستم انها را به زیور چاپ بیارایم.تنها یک دفتر شعرم بنام ( لاله ء سیاه ) با تیراژ یک هزار نسخه اقبال چاپ یافته است.این هم چند نمونه از اشعارم خدمت تان تقدیم می کنم: + تو در من آتشی هستی که، خاموشت نخواهم کرد // به گلدانم گلی هستی، فراموشت نخواهم کرد
مرا جان تا به تن باشد، به عشقت کوهِ سنگینم // تو ای شهزاده ی عشقم، سیه پوشت نخواهم کرد
چنان رشکی به دل دارم که هر جنبنده ی اطراف // به جز خود هیچ موجودی را، هما غوشت نخواهم کرد
++ شعری هم در اوزان نیمایی ( آزاد)
گاه در اوج تمنای خیال // بر رُخ خاطره ها، روی تو را می بینم و چه دلگیرم کرد // گردشِ ثانیه ها // غربت خفته در این قافیه ها سایه هایی که جدا افتادند // اشک هایی که در ان حسرتِ سرد ساده، جان می دادند. // کاش دنیای تو را می دیدم // مگر انجا که تویی // با همان کلبه ی درویشی مان فرقش چیست ؟ // کاش چشمان تو را // تا ببینیم تو چه دیدی و گذشتی از عشق // کاش دنیای تو را می دیدم !
غزلی هم در اوزان عروضی ( کلاسیک) ای اسمان زیبا، امشب دلم گرفته // از های و هوی دنیا، امشب دلم گرفته یک سینه غرقِ مستی، دارد هوای باران // از این خرابِ رسوا، امشب دلم گرفته امشب خیال دارم، تا صبح گریه کردن // شرمنده ام خدایا! امشب دلم گرفته خونِ دلِ شکسته، بر دیده گان نشسته // باید شود هویدا، امشب دلم گرفته ساقی عجب صفایی دارد پیاله ی تو // ُپر کن بجانِ مولا ، امشب دلم گرفته گفتی خیال بس کن، فرامیشت، متین است // فردا به چشم، اما؛ امشب دلم گرفته
طی سال های اخیر کتاب دیگری زیر عنوان ( اصول روابط بیت الدول) دارم که آماده ی چاپ است.متاهل هستم سه دختر و یک پسر دارم که پسرم افسر ارتش ناروی است دو دخترم دکتر اند و یکی ان هنوز محصل است.
مسعود: محترمه مسعوده وزیری! در باره تعهد، رسالت و مسؤولیت در ادبیات و هنر های گوناگون چگونه می اندیشید؟ شما منحیث چهره سیاسی، علمی، ادبي و فرهنگی تعهد، رسالت و مسووُلیت یک هنرمند، ادیب، شاعر و نویسنده را در دنیای علم، ادب و هنر چگونه ارزیابی مینماید؟
مسعوده وزیری: یکی از وظایف مبرم شاعر، سیاست مدار و نویسنده و فعال سیاسی متعهد بودن به مردم و کشور خود است.شاعر بدون رسالتمندی، شاعر نیست، یک ناظم و مداح است.و مرا فقر، رنج و ستم های فراوانی که نظام های حاکم در جامعه ی ما روا داشته اند، به عرصه ی سیاست کشانیده است.تا برای تحقق ازادی، عدالت اجتماعی و تامین حق شهروندی مبارزه کنم.راه نجات مردم خود از این نا هنجاری ها ، رنج ها و بیعدالتی ها را در اتحاد و همبستگی مردم و دفاع جانانه از حق مشروع انها می دانم.بدون مبارزه و همبستگی ملیونی مردم راه نجاتی وجود ندارد .بیدل میگوید: از فلک بی ناله، کامِ دل نمی آید بیرون // شهد خواهی اتشی زن، خانه ء زنبور را .
مسعود: خانم مسعوده وزیری! در اوضاع و احوالی که کشور در آتش جنگ و تروریسم میسوزد و در حالی که تقابل باورها و اندیشه ها و نفاقهای قومی و زبانی و مذهبی - که قربانیان زیادی گرفته است – بیداد میکند، پیام تان به حیث یک شخصیت با احساس، وطندوست، سیاسی، علمی و ادبی به هم میهنان ما و به خصوص به سیاسیون، نویسندگان، ادیبان، شاعران و علاقمندان و دوستداران علم، ادب و فرهنگ چه است؟
مسعوده وزیری: دوست گرامی آقای مسعود!
گرچه محتوی پرسش شما یک بحث کلان است!
درحد توان کوشش میکنم چند سطری به طور خلاصه بنویسم.
- اوضاع واحوال هر کشوری از لحاظ ژئو پولوتیک در شرایط مختلف ودر زمان مختلف با در نظر داشت سنتهای جامعه ،فرهنگ ،ومذهب، سیاست ،اقتصاد وسنت گرائی فرق میکند.
اما در کشور عزیز ما افغانستان از سال های متمادی خاصتآ در پنج دهه اخیر روشنفکران واهل فرهنگ وسیاسیون گرایش های چپ افراطی و راست افراطی در پهلو ی هم و در هم بودن با جنبش های ملی و دموکراتیک تا ساختار یک جمهوری دموکراتیک تلاش کردند.که همیشه در طوفان سیلاب های گل آلود مذهبی به کمک کشور های همسایه با موجودیت فقر، و بی سوادی که یک اصل جرم و جنایت است. برای منافع کشور های شان با استفاده از دو اصل فوق الذکر جامعه مذهبی و سنت گرا ما را از لحاظ تبعیضات طبقاتی، جنسیتی، و مذهبی به جزایر و فرقه های سیاسی و با استفاده از دین و مذهب علاوه بر اینکه تجزیه درونی ملیت های با هم برادر نمودند تا بتوانند از این فرمول در حفظ منافع کشور های خود بر کشور ما سلطه ء استبداد و استعمار را محکم نمایند.
در کشور در نخست بر فرهنگ ما و بعد بر اقتصاد ما حمله کردند و آهسته، آهسته طی بیشتر از نیم قرن غلامان حلق به گوش را با استفاده از سلاح برنده دین و مذهب (از شروع حکومت شاه امان الله غازی ) سرمایه گذاری نمودند از ایشان در طیف سیاست رهبران سیاسی ساختند. و بعد از مسلح کردن آنها ایشان را بنام جهاد به مفهموم اینکه اسلام در خطر است و افغانستان یک جامعه ( کفری ) است در گرایش های مذهبی و ملیتی از یک بی سواد در دسته های مذهبی و ملیتی رهبر ساخته و در برابر ملت بیچاره و بخشی سیاسیون و فرهنگیان و جنبش های ملی و دموکراتیک بنام جهاد خون ریختند و برای تحکیم قدرت های شان از هیچ نوع ظلم و استبداد تا تجاوز بر زنان و کودکان و حریم کشور ما دریغ نکردند.
اما در موضع خودم که شما مرا منحیث یک شاعر ،نویسنده، ادیب، و سیاستمدار قلمداد کرده اید. بزرگ منشی نموده اید از شما سپاسگذارم چه من تا هنوز من خود را در آن جای مقدس عالمانه، فرهنگی و سیاسی نمیبینم براینکه راه دور و درازی در بیش رو برای انجام بسا وظایف و رسالت تاریخی در پیش رو دارم.
موضع من در قبال کشورم در مبارزات من در محوطه مکتب سیاسی ام در یک خط صرا ط ا لمستقیم و سائر سازمان های اجتماعی و جامعه مدنی کاملآ روشن بوده که هدفم خدمت به خلق زحمت کش و رنجدیده افغانستان است.
- و پیام من برای ملت رنجدیده افغانستان و هم برای فرهنگیان سیاسیون روشنفکران و جامعه مدنی با حفظ حرمت این است،که جز اتحاد و همبستگی این نهاد ها و تربیه ای نسل جوان از راه آموزش و پرورش تا سرحد انفرادی برای به پیروزی رسانیدن حاکمیت قانون و مردم سالاری علیه یک اجتماع بی قانون راه دگری وجود ندارد . ما رژیم های فرمایشی و برونی و غلامان را طی تاریخ کشور تجربه کرده و آزموده ایم.
که آزموده را آزمودن خطا و جفا و خیانت است. چونه دود و آتش با آب سرد خاموش میشود مردم زخمی و وطن سرفراز را دگر نباید بگذاریم با افتخاراتش بمیرد و به زباله دان تاریخ سپرده شود، این اتحاد و همبستگی است که مارا به منزل مقصود میرساند. این وظیفه و رسالت همه فرهنگیان، سیاسیون ،و روشنفکران و جامعه مدنی است که با سلاح قلم برای آگاهی دهی قشر جوان روشنفکر سرمایه گذاری و خدمت نمائيم.
مهمتر از همه این رسالت تاریخی همه ای ما خاصتآ روشنفکران که در خارج از کشور که زیر آتش خون پاره و تحت سلطه یک اجتماع بی قانون نیستند، و از هرگونه آزادی های سمعی و بصری و تظاهرات تا دموکراسی های فردی، اجتماعی و حقوقی برخوردار و در اختیار دارند استفاده کرد.
- راه معرفت و پرورش من در نخست فامیلم استادان و بعد آن مکتب سیاسی ام بوده که که در آن پرورش و آموزش دیده و تا هم اکنون افتخار آنرا دارم.
در بالاتر از توان خود با پای ایستاده به خود چه در داخل کشور و چه در خارج از کشور که آنرا کافی نمیدانم از لحاظ مادی و معنوی در خدمت مردم خود بوده ام.
با حرمت فراوان: انجنیر عبدالقادر مسعود
ښاروال ویکټور هوګو سوسا وایي ځکه یې د تمساح سره واده وکړ چې د خپلو نیکونو دود او دستور تازه کړي.
شریک کول
د مکسیکو په جنوب کې د یو واړه ښار ښاروال پدې نیت د تمساح سره واده کړی چې له یوې خوا د خپلو اجدادو دود او دستور تازه کاندي او له بلې خوا د سیمې خلکو لپاره نیکمرغي راولي.
ښاروال ویکټور هوګو سوسا دغه تمساح چې د واده په مراسمو کې ځانګړې جامې هم وراغوستل شوې وې، الیشیا ادریانا ونوموله او هغې ته یې د شهزادګۍ نجلۍ خطاب وکړ.
دا ډول تمساحګانې په مکسیکو او مرکزي امریکا هیوادونو کې پیدا کیږي.
ښاروال سوسا د واده په مراسمو کې وویل، "زه دا مسؤلیت منم ځکه چې د یو بل سره مینه لرو. د مینې پرته واده نشي کیدی. زه د شهزادګۍ نجلۍ سره واده ته غاړه ږدم".
په همدې سیمې کې د ښځینه تمساح او سړي تر منځ واده تقریباً ۲۳۰ کاله وړاندې شوی و. د روایتونو له مخې د سیمې د اصلي اوسیدونکو جنجال وروسته تر هغه حل شو چې د چونتال پاچا د یوې بلې قبیلې د شهزادګۍ نجلۍ سره واده وکړ چې په اصل کې ښځینه تمساح وه.
د سیمې یو مخور شخص وایي پدې ډول واده کولو سره د انسان او ځمکې تر منځ اړیکه ټینګیږي او د قدرت خاوند څخه د باران، ښه کښت او ټولو هغو شیانو د ډیروالي لپاره غوښتنه کیږي چې د چونتال د سیمې د اوسیدونکو د خیر او ښیګڼې لپاره دي.
د ښځینه تمساح سره د واده مراسم داسې دي چې تر واده کولو وړاندې تمساح کور په کور ګرځول کیږي تر څو د سیمې خلک یې پخپلو لاسونو کې ونیسي او ورسره ونڅیږي.
ښځینه تمساح ته شنه لمن وراغوستل کیږي او په سر یې څو رنګی ټیکری وي چې په لاس جوړ شوی وي.
د تمساح وربوز تړل شوی وي تر څو تر واده وړاندې څوک ونه داړي.
د دې مراسمو څخه وروسته تمساح د ښارګوټي ځانګړي دفتر ته په سپین کمیس کې وړل کیږي او د واده په مراسمو کې برخه اخلي.
ښاروال سوسا د واده په مراسمو کې وویل، " زه دا مسؤلیت منم ځکه چې د یو بل سره مینه لرو. د مینې پرته واده نشي کیدی. زه د شهزادګۍ نجلۍ سره واده ته غاړه ږدم".
د واده کولو رسم دا هم دی چې د سیمې یو کب نیونکی باید خپل د کب نیونې جال هوا ته پورته واچوي او سندره ووایي. په سندرې کې د کب نیونې د ښه موسم، د ښارګوټي د اوسیدونکو لپاره د نیکمرغۍ، د خلکو تر منځ برابرښت او په سولې کې د ژوند کولو غاړې ویل کیږي.
تر واده وروسته ښاروال پداسې حال کې د ناوې تمساح سره یو ځای نڅا کوي چې د سیمې دودیزه موسیقي غږول کیږي.
ښاروال سوسا چې د شهزادګۍ نجلۍ وربوز یې ښکل کاوه د فرانس پریس خبري اژانس ته وویل، "ډیر خوښ یم چې د دوو کلتورونو یو ځای کیدل لمانځو. خلک ډیر خوښ دي".
تریشا وايي سپی به یې هغه هېڅکله یوازې پرېنږدي
انګلنډ کې یوه ښځه وايي، سپي یې ورسره مرسته کړې، چې پوه شي د تي پر سرطان اخته ده.
۵۰ کلنه تریشا الیسن چې د انګلند ښار ناتنګهم شایر ښار ولفورډ سیمه کې اوسېږي وايي، دوه کلن سپي "کاليکراس لونا" یې په اپرېل میاشت کې پر تي ورټوپ کړل او پښې یې پرې وهلې.
دا وايي"ما درد حس کړ او معایناتو ته ورغلم."
له معایناتو وروسته مالومه شوه، چې آغلې الیسن د تي پر سرطان اخته ده او اوس تر درملنې لاندې ده.
مېرمن الیسن چې د دوو ماشومانو مور ده او د ماشومانو د پالونکې په توګه کار کوي ویلي:"زه تلویزیون ته پر کوچ پرته وم چې لونا پر ما راټوپ کړ. هغه ډېر مینه ناک او مهربانه سپی دی مخکې یې هېڅکله داسې چلن نه و راسره کړی هغه به ما یوازې پرېنږدي."
نوموړې زیاتوي:" له هغې وروسته زه ښه نه وم او درد مې احساساوه، ډاکټر لیدو ته مې وخت واخیست او معاینه مې وکړه، په دوو اوونیو کې یې پایله راغله چې سرطان یم، دوی ډېر ژر تشخیص کړ."
آغلې الیسن وايي:" زه پوهېدم چې هغه زما کوچنې ژوند ژغورونکی دی."
هغې د ناتنګهم ښار په روغتون کې دوه عملیاته کړي، چې د سینې غوټه یې له منځه یوړل شي، خو لا هم تر درملنې لاندې ده.
هغه وايي:"ښه حس لرم. ما تل ځان کتلی او په وروستي ځل مې چې دا کار وکړ احساس مې کړه چې تي کې مې څه نشته."
نوموړې دا هم ویلي چې:"زما په فکر دا کار د ښځو لپاره ډېر اړین دی، چې خپل تیونه وګوري آن که دوی په کور کې سپی هم و نه لري چې مرسته ورسره وکړي."
ملی مبارز، ډیپلومات، شاعر او سپه سالار سیدال خان ناصری.
د محمد سیدال خان پلار ابدال خان کله چی سلطان ملخی توخی (د نازو انا پلار) له جلدک څخه تر غزنی سیمه کی خپلواک ژوند او حکومت کاوه، هلته له خپلو خلکو سره میشته شو.
ابدال خان له نورو ملی مشرانو سره د صفویانو د حاکم ګرګین پرضد جګړه کوله او صفویانو ته یی اجاره نه ورکوله چی پر قلات حکومت وکړی.
سیدال خان، وړتیا او زړورتیا له خپل پلار څخه په میراث اخیستی وه، د پوهې او ادب په حصول کې هم ډیر هڅاند وه او د فقی، تفسیر، صرف او نحو … او دري ادبیاتو زده کړې یې هم وکړې.
د هوتکيانو د واکمنۍ په دریو لسیزو کې د هیواد دننه او بهر د مبارزو او فتوحاتو په جریان کې، سیدال خان ناصري د حکومت یو له اصلي ستنو او ټینګو بنسټونو څخه و، چې په نظامي برخه کې یې یو عالي او تل پاتې تاریخي ریکارډ پریښی دی.
کله چې په ۱۷۰۸ میلادی کال کې، ملي مشر میرویس خان هوتکي، د دیني عالمانو د فتوا ترلاسه کولو وروسته، قندهار کی د ایران صفوی حکومت ظالم و سفاک حاکم ګورګین له مینځه لری کړ، او د هوتکيانو خپلواک حکومت یی اعلان کړ، سیدال خان ناصري د افغان ځواکونو مشر او سپه سالار وه.
او کله چی صفویانو د کندهار د بیا نیولو لپاره پوځ را ولیږه، ملی مشر میرویس خان سیدال خان ناصري د هغوی جګړی ته ولیږه چی صفوی پوځ یی تار په تار کړ.
سیدال خان ناصري د میرویس خان د اته کلن مشرتابه په ټولو اتو کلونو کی د صفوی خلاف په ټولو جګړو کې ښکېل وه، چې په ټولو جګړو کې یې افغانانو ته بریاوی راوړی وی.
د حاجي میرویس خان (۱۶۷۳ – ۱۷۱۵ میلادی) تر مرګه وروسته لومړی د هغه ورور او بیا د هغه زوی شاه محمود هوتکي واک تر.لاسه کړ.
د شاه محمود هوتکي ځواکونو د امان الله سلطان ، سیدال خان ناصري او نصرالله خان … په مشری لومړی په کرمان او بیا د ایران د صفویانو په پلازمینه اصفهان برید وکړ او فتح یې کړ.
د ۱۷۲۲ کال د اکتوبر په ۲۳ نیټه (چی د ۱۱۳۵ کال د محرم له ۱۲ سره سمون لری) د شاه محمود هوتکي په سر د سلطاني تاج د ایران شاه حسین صفوی کیښودو چی ورسره په ایران کې د افغانستان امپراطوری بنسټ کښیښودل شو.
شاه محمود هوتکي د اصفهان په چهلستون ماڼی کې شانداره میلماستی جوړه کړې وه چې په ترڅ کې یې د شاه حسین صفوی لور سره واده وکړ.
په دې توګه، د یووالي او مبارزې په پایله کې، میرویس خان هوتکي او د هغه ځای ناستو نه یوازې په کندهار کې د صفویه واکمنۍ پای ته ورساوله، بلکې د صفویانو د واکمنی لړی یې هم پای ته ورسوله.
شاه محمود هوتکي حکومت نږدې نهه کاله وه چی دوه نیم کاله یی په ایران کی هم حکومت وکړ. بیا، د رواني ناروغۍ له امله، هغه له واکه لرې شو او د هغه د تره زوی، شاه اشرف هوتکي قدرت ته ورسید.
سیدال خان ناصری د عثمانی ترکانو او روسانو پر وړاندې په فارس کې د شاه اشرف هوتکي په ټولو جګړو او خبرو اترو کې، د افغان ځواکونو سپه سالار او لوی درستیز و چې په ټولو جګړو او خبرو اترو کې بریالی و. هغه د روسیې او عثماني ترکیې لخوا د ایران د ځینو برخو د نیولو پلان شنډ کړ.
له یوې خوا په ایران کې د نادر افشار په نوم د یوه کس په څرګندیدو او له بلې خوا د افغانانو خپلمنځی ناخوالو، په ایران کې د هوتکيانو حکومت کار له خنډ سره مخ کړ. له همدې امله شاه اشرف او افغانان له ایران څخه په شاشول. شاه اشرف په شورابک سیمه کې ووژل شو.
له ۱۷۳۹ کال څخه وروسته، د هوتکيانو واکمنی یوازې په کندهار پورې محدود شوه، چی د میرویس خان کشر زوی، شاه حسین هوتکي چی یو ادیب او په فرهنګ مین سړی وه او په پښتو او دری ژبو یی شعر وایه، یی پاچا وه.
کله چې سیدال خان ناصري کندهار ته ورسید، نو هغه د شاه حسین هوتکي لخوا بیا هم سپه سالار وټاکل شو.
له بده مرغه، هغه د نظامي ځواکونو د چمتو کولو لپاره وخت نه درلود، مګر سره له ټولو ناخوالو بیا هم تر آخره یی له مقاومت څخه کار واخیست.
یو ځل له ۳۰۰۰ سرتیرو سره د هرات د ابداليانو مرستې ته هم ولاړ، خو د نادر افشار د ستر لښکر په وړاندې بریالي نشول او سیدال خان بیرته قندهار ته ستون شو.
د سیدال خان ناصري ځواکونو شمیره شل زره او د نادر افشار ځواکونه یو لک وه.
سیدال خان ناصری د دښمن په ځواکونو خواره واره بریدونه کول او د یو کال لپاره یی کندهار ته د نادر افشار د ننوتلو مخه ونیوله.
نادر افشار د فتح علی خان په قومانده، د قلات د نیولو لپاره یو اته زره کسیز لښکر ولیږه. شاه حسین د سیدال خان په مشرۍ یو څلور زره کسیز ځواک د قلات دفاع لپاره ولیږه، چې په پیل کې یې دښمن ته سخت ګوزارونه ورکړل. کله چې نادر افشار په ځواک کې د سیدال خان د شتون څخه خبر شو، نو په خپله د پنځوس زره ځواک سره هلته ولاړ، او سیدال خان او ځواکونه یی په کلا کی محاصره شول.
د څو ورځو محاصرې وروسته، نادر افشار بیرته د کندهار په لور ته راستون شو، مګر ۳۰۰۰۰ قوي ځواک د سیدال خان د ځواکونو د محاصره لپاره پاتی شول. دښمن هڅه کوله چې افغان ځواکونه د کلا څخه وباسي. دښمن ځواکونو د دوو میاشتو لپاره ونشو کولای چی کلا ته ننوځی.
دښمن ، چې د سیدال خان تسلیم کیدل د کندهار د فتح لپاره کلي ګنله، یو ناوړه چل او عمل ترسره کړ. د کلا څخه بهر یی، افغان میرمنې له تیانو ځړولی او تر هر ډول سپکاوي او توهین یی ورته کاوه او شرط یی دا وه چی هغوی به دا کار هلته بس کړی، کله چی سیدال خان او د هغه ځواکونه له جګړی او مقاومت څخه لاس واخلی.
سیدال خان لپاره چې د افغان ښځو عزت او وقار خورا مهم وه او له بلې خوا دوی ته اوبه او خواړه هم نه وه ورپاتی، افغان ځواکونو ته یې د اوربند امر وکړ.
سیدال خان ناصری چې ۳۱ کاله یې د افغانانو د پت او عزت او د ټاټوبی دفاع کړې وه، د نادر افشار بند ته ورغی.
نادر افشار په یو لوی محفل کې چی په دی اړه نیول شوی وه داسی وویل:
“به بسیار زحمات این گرگ باران دیده را به چنگ آورده ایم. اگر چه نمی زیبد که اینچنین سردار بزرگ و قهرمان کشته شود مگر من توان دو چشم این عقاب را ندارم٬ فلهذا هر دو چشمت را به من ببخش”.
او د سیدال خان ناصری دواړه سترګې د اور په لمبو کې سور شوی سیخانو باند ړندې کړې.
نادر افشار د خلکو د تیتولو او خواره واره کولو لپاره ځینی ایران ته واستول، او سیدال خان ناصري او کورنۍ یې د کابل شکر درې ته ولېږدول شول. څه وخت وروسته، سیدال خان ناصري په شکردره کې نړی څخه سترګی پټی کړی چی هلته د سیا سنګ هدیره کې ښخ کړای شو.
شاه حسین هوتکي د لسو میاشتو لپاره مقاومت وکړ، خو په پای کې کندهار نادر افشار لاس ته ورغی.
دا د یو ملي او هیواد پال شخصیت د ژوند د ځینو برخو یادونه وه.
د سیدال خان ناصري د دی ملی، آزاد او اوسپنیزی ارادی خاوند شخصیت روح، او د ټولو ملي مبارزینو روح چې دښمن ته یی سر ټیټ نه کړ، دی خوښ او ځای دی جنت وی.
ناصر اوریا * ۲۳ سپتمبر ۲۰۲۰ – تکزاس Naser Oria
آیا میدانید اصفهان پایتخت شاهان صفوی ایران بدست کی فتح شد؟
سیدال خان ناصری خان سپه سالار، دیپلمات، شاعر و مبارز ملی.
«دستِ وحدت کاخ استبداد را ویران کند»
ابدال خان پدر محمد سیدال خان، در زمانی که سلطان ملخی توخی (سلطان ملخی توخی پدر نازو انا مادر میرویس خان هوتکی) استقلال خویش را حاصل نموده و از جلدک تا غزنی حکومت می کرد، همراه با خانواده و مردمش در آنجا اقامت گزید. ابدال خان همراه با عادل خان به مقابل بیگلر بیگی که از طرف دولت صفوی (ایران) گماشته شده بود، مبارزه می کرد و اجازه نداد که صفویان بر قلات حکومت نمایند.
سیدال خان که شجاعت، رشادت و بزرگمنشی را از پدر به ارث برده بود، در کسب علم و ادب نیز کوشا بود و فقه، تفسیر، صرف و نحو … و ادبیات دری را نیز فرا گرفت.
سیدال خان ناصری در طول سه دههٔ سلطنت هوتکی ها در مبارزات و فتوحات داخل و خارج از کشور یکی از ستون های اصلی و پایه های استوار حکومت بود که در بُعد نظامی کارنامه های تاریخیِ درخشان و ماندگار از خویش به یادگار گذاشته است.
از زمانی که در سال ۱۷۰۸ میلادی مطابق ۱۱۲۰ هجری قائد ملی میرویس خان هوتکی، بعد از اخذ فتوای علمای دینی، گورگین حاکم (بیگلر بیگی دولت صفوی ایران) خون آشام و سفاکِ دولت صفوی ایران در قندهار را سر به نیست نموده و دولت مستقل هوتکی را بنا نهاد، سیدال خان ناصری سرلشکر قوای افغان بود.
هنگامی که دولت صفویان غرض اشغال دوباره، به قندهار لشکر کشید، میرویس خان، سیدال خان ناصری را به مصاف آنها فرستاد که قوای صفوی را تار و مار کرد.
سیدال خان ناصری در تمام جنگ های دورهٔ ۸ سالهٔ رهبری میرویس خان علیه اشغالگران صفوی شامل بود که در همه جنگ ها فتح و پیروزی را از آن افغان ها ساخت .
بعد از وفات حاجی میرویس خان (۱۶۷۳ – ۱۷۱۵ میلادی)، نخست برادرش و سپس پسرش شاه محمود هوتکی به سلطنت رسید.
قوای شاه محمود هوتکی به سرلشکری امان الله سطان، سیدال خان ناصری و نصرالله خان … نخست به کرمان و سپس به اصفهان پایتخت دولت صفوی ایران یورش برد و آنرا فتح کرد.
به تاریخ ۲۳ اکتبر سال ۱۷۲۲ میلادی مطابق ۱۲ محرّم ۱۱۳۵ با گذاشتن تاج سلطانی بر سر شاه محمود هوتکی بدست شاه حسین صفوی، شهنشاهی افغان ها در ایران بنیاد گذاشته شد.
شاه محمود هوتکی در کاخ چهلستون اصفهان ضیافتی ترتیب داد که در ضمن آن با دختر شاه حسین صفوی ازدواج نمود.
به این ترتیب در نتیجهٔ وحدت و مبارزه در مدت کوتاهی میرویس خان هوتکی و اخلافش نه تنها سلطهٔ صفوی ها را در قندهار پایان داد بلکه سلسله پادشاهی صفوی ها را نیز ختم کرد.
شاه محمود هوتکی حدود ۹ سال سلطنت نمود که دونیم سال در ایران حکومت کرد. سپس به اثر مریضی روانی از قدرت خلع و بعد از وفاتش، پسر کاکایش، شاه اشرف هوتکی قدرت را بدست گرفت.
در تمام جنگ ها و مذاکراتِ شاه اشرف هوتکی در فارس مقابل ترک های عثمانی و روس ها، سیدال خان ناصری سرلشکر قوای افغان بود که در همهٔ جنگ ها و مذاکرات فاتح و پیروز بدر آمد. وی نقشه و پلان اشغال مناطقی از ایران توسط روسیه و ترکیهٔ عثمانی را خنثی نمود.
با ظهور شخصی به نام نادر افشار در ايران از یک طرف و اختلافات ذات البینی افغان ها از طرف دیگر، كار حكومت هوتکی ها در آن کشور با مشكل روبرو شد. لذا شاه اشرف و افغان ها از ايران عقب نشيني كردند. شاه اشرف درهنگام عقب نشيني در مربوطات شورابك كشته شد.
از اين پس تا سال ۱۷۳۹ میلادی حکومت هوتکی ها به قندهار منحصر شد که شاه حسین هوتکی جوانترین فرزند میرویس خان، که یک پادشاه ادیب و فرهنگدوست بود و به زبان های پشتو و دری شعر می سرود، حاکم آن بود.
زمانی که سیدال خان ناصری قندهار رسید از طرف شاه حسین هوتکی دوباره به منصب سپه سالار مقرر ګردید.
با تأسف که وقت به وی مجال نداد که قوای نظامی را آرایش لازم دهد ولی با آنهم تا نهایت از مقاومت باز نه ایستاد.
باری هم با ۳۰۰۰ قوا به کمک ابدالی های هرات رفت ولی مقابل لشکر بزرگ نادر افشار پیروزی بدست نیاورد.
قوای سیدال خان ناصری بیست هزار و قوای نادر افشار صدهزار بود.
سیدال خان حملات و شبیخون های متعددی به قوای دشمن وارد کرد و برای یکسال مانع ورود نادر افشار به قندهار گردید.
نادر افشار یک لشکر هشت هزار نفری را غرض گرفتن قلات فرستاد. غرض دفاع قلات یک قوای چهارهزار نفری به سرکردگی سیدال خان فرستاده شد که در ابتدا به دشمن ضربات شدید وارد نمود. زمانی که نادر افشار از موضوع حضور سیدال خان در این قوا اطلاع یافت با یک قوای پنجاه هزار نفری بدانجا رفت و سیدال خان مجبوراً در قلعه محاصره شد. نادر بعد از چند روز محاصره دوباره به صوب قندهار رفت ولی قوای سی هزار نفری قوای سیدال خان را محاصر نموده بود و دشمن تلاش می نمود تا قوای افغان را به بیرون آمدن از قلعه وادار نماید. قوای دشمن تا دو ماه نتوانست قلعه را بگشاید. دشمن که تسلیم شدن سیدال خان را کلید فتح قندهار میدانست به خدعهٔ نامردانه ای دست زد. دشمن در بیرون قلعه خانم های افغان را از سینه ها آویزان نموده و مورد هر نوع توهین و تحقیر قرار میدادند تا سیدال خان و قوایش تسلیم شود.
سیدال خان که آبرو و عزت خانم های افغان از همه چیز برایش مهم بود و از طرفی هم آب و آذوقهٔ شان به پایان رسیده بود به قوای افغان امر توقف جنگ را داد.
سیدال خان این سردار رشید که از مردم و سرزمین افغان ها بیشتر از ۳۱ سال دفاع نموده بود بندی به مقابل نادر افشار آورده شد.
نادر افشار در جشن بزرگی که به این مناسبت براه انداخته بود در محضر عام چنین گفت:
“به بسیار زحمات این گرگ باران دیده را به چنگ آورده ایم. اگر چه نمی زیبد که اینچنین سردار بزرگ و قهرمان کشته شود مگر من توان دو چشم این عقاب را ندارم٬ فلهذا هر دو چشمت را به من ببخش”.
و هردو چشم سیدال خان ناصری را با سیخ آتشین کور و وی را از نعمت دید محروم کرد.
نادر افشار غرض تیت و پاشان کردن مردم تعدادی را به ایران تبعید و سیدال خان ناصری و خانواده اش به منطقهٔ شکر درهٔ کابل فرستاده شد. بعد از مدتی سیدال خان ناصری در شکردره فوت و همانجا در سیاه سنگ به خاک سپرده شد.
شاه حسین هوتکی ده ماه دیگر نیز مقاومت کرد ولی بالاخر قندهار به دست نادر افشار افتاد .
این بود یادآوری بخش هایی از زندگی یک شخصیت ملی و وطندوست.
روح سیدال خان ناصری این مرد آزاده و آهنین و روح همهٔ مبارزین ملی که به دشمن سر خم نکردند شاد باد و مکانش بهشت معلی.
ناصر اوریا * ۲۳ سپتمبر ۲۰۲۰ – تکزاس Naser Oria
افغانستان، اگرچه بهعنوان یک کشور و یک ملت دارای تاریخی جدید است؛ اما، این سرزمین از لحاظ قدمت تاریخی، یکی از کهنترین کشورهای جهان بهشمار میرود.[۱]
افغانستان به دلیل قرارگرفتن در مسیر جاده ابریشم پیوندگاه تمدنهای بزرگ جهان بوده و یکی از مهمترین مراکز بازرگانی عصر باستان بهشمار میرفتهاست. این موقعیت مهم و حساس ژئواستراتژیکی و ژئوپولیتیکی افغانستان در شکلدادن موزائیکی غنی از فرهنگها و تمدنهای بزرگ همچون ایرانی، یونانی، بینالنهرینی و هندی در این کشور نقش مهمی داشتهاست. از عصر پارینهسنگی و طی دورههای تاریخی، مردم افغانستان جایگاه عمدهای در معرفی و گسترش ادیان جهانی و نقش مهمی در بازرگانی و دادوستد داشته و گهگاه کانون مسلط سیاسی و فرهنگی در آسیا بودهاند. از این رو افغانستان در طول تاریخ گلوگاه یورش مهاجمان و جهانگشایان بوده که ردپای آنها هنوز در گوشه و کنار این سرزمین دیده میشود.[۲]
همانطور که از میانرودان (بینالنهرین؛ عراق امروزی) بهسبب تمدنهای کهن و باستانیاش بهعنوان "گهوارهٔ تمدن"، و از مصر باستان بهسبب اهرام باستانیاش بهعنوان "عجایب دنیای باستان" خوانده میشود، از افغانستان نیز بهسبب موقعیت مهم و حساس ژئواستراتژیکی و ژئوپولیتیکیاش و حضور موزائیکی غنی از فرهنگها و تمدنهای بزرگ و تاریخ هزاران ساله بهعنوان "چهارراهِ فرهنگهای باستان" یاد میشود.[۳][۴]
در این نوشتار دوران تاریخی پیش از اسلام افغانستان به دو دوره تقسیم میشود:
1. دوران پیشاتاریخ: دورانی که بهسبب نبود خط و کتابت در آن معلومات زیادی از آن در دسترس نیست و فرضیات دانشمندان از این دوره تنها بر آثار بدستآمده از کاوشهای باستانشناسی و مطالعات زبانشناسی استوار است؛ این دوران از دورهٔ پارینهسنگی زیرین که در این دوره نخستین شواهد باستانشناسی از حضور انسان در شمال کوهپایههای هندوکُش در حدود ۱۰۰٫۰۰۰ پیش از میلاد بهدست آمده، آغاز میشود، و تا پایان عصر بُرُنز و عصر آهن در اوایل سدهٔ هفتم پیش از میلاد (پیدایش خط) را در بر میگیرد؛
2. تاریخ باستان: دوران پس از پیدایش خط، که معلومات زیادی از آن در نوشتههای کهن به جای مانده، و از دورهٔ فرمانروایی مادها و هخامنشیان در اوایل سدهٔ هفتم پیش از میلاد آغاز میشود، و تا حمله اعراب به افغانستان در سدهٔ هفتم میلادی را در بر میگیرد.
دوران پیشاتاریخ[
دوران پیشاتاریخ یا دوران پیش از تاریخ یا ماقبل تاریخ از پیدایش انسان آغاز میشود و به پیدایش خط و کتابت منتهی میگردد. در آن دوران تجربهها و دستاوردهای مردم به سرعت از بین میرفت و دانش انتقال پیدا نمیکرد.
دوران پارینهسنگی[
نگارهٔ ۱: ابزارهای سنگی شامل انواع تیغههای کوچک، متعلق به دورهٔ پارینهسنگی پایانی (۳۰٫۰۰۰ پیش از میلاد) که از قَرَهکَمَر در ولایت سمنگان، شمال افغانستان بهدست آمدهاند.
دوران پارینهسنگی[پ ۱] یا عصر حجر (سنگ) کهن، نخستین، ابتداییترین و طولانیترین مرحله زندگی انسان است؛ از دو میلیون و پانصد هزار تا دورهٔ نوسنگی (عصر حجر نو)، زمانی که انسان با کشاورزی آشنا شد، در حدود دوازده هزار سال پیش را در بر میگیرد. این دوران خود به سه زیر دوره تقسیم میگردد:
1. دورهٔ پارینهسنگی زیرین یا قدیم[پ ۲] یا دورهٔ دیرینهسنگی که از حدود دو میلون و پانصد هزار سال پیش شروع و تا یکصد هزار سال قبل ادامه پیدا میکند. در این دوره، گونههای اولیهٔ سردهٔ انسان (Homo) ظهور میکند، که از آتش استفاده میکرده و ابزار ساز بودهاست. آثار دورهٔ پارینهسنگی زیرین در آفریقا، شرق مدیترانه و اروپا پیدا شدهاست.[۵]
2. دورهٔ پارینهسنگی میانی[پ ۳] یا دورهٔ میانسنگی-موسترین از حدود یکصد هزار سال قبل شروع و تا سی هزار سال پیش ادامه داشتهاست. انسان نئاندرتال در این دوره ظهور میکند. در این دوره، سنت ابزارسازی موسترین[پ ۴] پدیدار میشود که از ابزارهای پیشین پیشرفتهتر است و شامل تراشههای سنگی، رندهها، قلمها، برمهها (متهها)، چاقوهای دستهدار و انواع تبر بودهاست. در این دوره آیین تدفین وجود داشتهاست. انسان نئاندرتال به همراه متوفی ابزار، گُل و گِل اخرا دفن میکردهاست. بر اساس نظریهٔ خروج از آفریقا و با توجه به شواهد ژنتیکی و فسیلی، انسان خردمند[پ ۵] در این دوره، حدود هفتاد هزار سال پیش از خاستگاهش در قاره آفریقا خارج میشود و از طریق تنگهٔ آبی بابالمندب در قسمت جنوبی دریای سرخ به قارهٔ آسیا پا گذاشته و از آنجا به دیگر نقاط زمین مهاجرت میکند.[۶]
3. دوره پارینهسنگی پایانی[پ ۶]-بارادوستین از حدود پنجاه هزار سال پیش شروع و در ده هزار سال پیش پایان میگیرد. در این دوره انسان نئاندرتال از بین میرود و انسان خردمند در آسیای میانه پدیدار میگردد، و بدینترتیب این منطقه را به یکی از قدیمیترین منزلگاههای انسان تبدیل میکند.
دوران پارینهسنگی افغانستان
فاصلهٔ زمانی زیاد، دیدگاهمان را راجع به پیدایش نخستین مردمان در افغانستان، که در تراسهای رودخانهها و غارهای زیستگردار و پناهگاههای صخرهای در شمال و شرق این کشور امروزی میزیستند تار میکند. صدها ابزار سنگی در ساحههای متعدد در دشت و صحرا پراکنده شدهاند - ابزاری چون ابزار کوارتزی متعلق به دورهٔ پارینهسنگی زیرین (تبرهای دستی، چاقوهای دستهدار و تراشهها) با قدمتی بیش از ۱۰۰٫۰۰۰ ساله - گواهی است بر موجودیت فعالیتهای منظم انسان در ابتداییترین بُرهههای تاریخی. اسکلت انسان نِئاندِرتال در طی اواسط دههٔ هفتاد میلادی در درهٔ کور در بدخشان، و همچنین استخوان گیجگاهی بزرگی یافت شدهاند که به عقیدهٔ دانشمندان میبایست متعلق به انسان امروزی با ویژگیهای نئاندرتالی باشد. لوئی دوپری، باستانشناس دانشگاه پنسیلوانیا راجع به کشف درهٔ کور میگوید:
شمال افغانستان شاید منطقهای باشد که هوموساپینسهای امروزی، یا دست کم گونهای از انسان امروزی، از نظر فیزیکی و جسمانی تحول پیدا کرده و شروع به متحول کردن فناوری عصر حجر کردند.
اما با حملهٔ شوروی به افغانستان در ۱۹۷۹ میلادی کاوشهای باستانشناسی را که احتمالاً میتوانست این فرضیهٔ شگفتانگیز را تأیید کند، متوقف ساخت.
در شمال افغانستان، از بلخ تا سرحد پاکستان، شواهدی روشن بر فرهنگهای عصر حجر، عصر نوسنگی و عصر بُرُنز اولیه موجود است. در یک پناهگاه صخرهای در قَرهکَمَر، در ۱۴ مایلی شمال سمنگان ابزاری متعلق به عصر حجر با قدمتی حدود ۳۰٫۰۰۰ پیش از میلاد بهدست آمدهاند. (نگارهٔ ۱) بیشتر از ۲۰٫۰۰۰ ابزار سنگی بدستآمده از آقکُپرُک (در ولایت بلخ) آنچنان ماهرانه ساخته شدهاند که باستانشناسان اغلب از سازندگان این ابزار در آقکُپرُک به عنوان «میکلآنجلوهای دورهٔ پارینهسنگی فوقانی» یاد میکنند. آثار بدستآمده از آقکُپرُک متعلق به یک دورهٔ فرهنگی است که ۵۰۰۰ سال، از حدود ۲۰٫۰۰۰ تا ۱۵٫۰۰۰ سال پیش طول کشید. در دورهای که هنرمندی ناشناس چهرهٔ یک مرد (یا یک زن؟) بر روی سنگ آهک کوچکی تراشیده - و یکی از نخستین ترسیمهای چهرهٔ انسان ساخت دست است که به ما رسیدهاست. (نگارهٔ ۲)
نگارهٔ ۲: سردیسی از انسان از آقکُپرُک، در ولایت بلخ، شمال افغانستان، پیرامون ۲۰٫۰۰۰ پیش از میلاد - نخستین ترسیم چهرهٔ انسان که تا اکنون در افغانستان کشف شدهاست.
اگرچه ترسیمهایی دیگر از استخوان و سفال در چکسلواکیا و فرانسه در دورهای مشابه ساخته شدهاند، اما بقایای حجاریهای آقکُپرُک هنوز یکی از قدیمیترین ترسیمهای شناختهشده از چهرهٔ انسان است که تا به کنون کشف شدهاست. اما چرا این کندهکاری صورت گرفته؟ شاید پاسخ این پرسش را هرگز نیابیم.
دورهٔ پارینهسنگی زیرین افغانستان ابزارهای مربوط به دورهٔ پارینهسنگی زیرین با قدمت بیش از ۱۰۰ هزار سال پیش در دشت ناوُر در غرب غزنی پیدا شدهاست. این ابزار شامل تعدادی ابزار سنگی ساخته شده از کوارتز است که شامل تراشه، ساطور، رنده، تیشه و تبر ابزار هستند. این آثار نخستین شواهد بدستآمده از دورهٔ پارینهسنگی زیرین در افغانستان هستند.[۷]
دورهٔ پارینهسنگی میانی افغانستان (۳۰٫۰۰۰–۵۰٫۰۰۰ پیش از میلاد): آثار بدستآمده از درهٔ کور (کُر)، در غرب بدخشان، نخستین شواهد آشکار زیستگاههای انسان را در افغانستان نشان میدهد. طی کاوشهایی در درهٔ کور در سال ۱۹۴۴ توسط لوئی دوپری و همکارانش، ابزارهای موسترین و جمجمهٔ انسان نئاندرتال بهدست آمده که مربوط به دورهٔ میانسنگی بوده و عمر آن را ۳۰ هزار سال پیش تخمین زدهاند.[۸] از دیگر پایگاههای باستانشناسی مربوط به این دوره میتوان از درهٔ چخماخ (در ولایت بلخ)، درهٔ دادِل (در ولایت بلخ)، دشت ناوُر (در ولایت غزنی)، غارِ مُردهگوسفند (در ولایت فاریاب)، حَیرَتان (در ولایت سمنگان)، قَرَهکَمَر (در ولایت سمنگان)، کِشم (در ولایت بدخشان)، سَرِ نمک (در ولایت سمنگان) و زَمبوکَن (در ولایت بلخ) نام برد.
دورهٔ پارینهسنگی فوقانی افغانستان (۱۰٫۰۰۰–۱۵٫۰۰۰ پیش از میلاد): آثار بهدست آمده از این دوره در آقکُپرُک (در ولایت بلخ)، درهٔ کلان (در ولایت سمنگان)، حَیرَتان (در ولایت سمنگان)، اسلامپنجه (در ولایت جوزجان)، کِلِفت (در ولایت بلخ)، کوکجَر (در ولایت سمنگان)، و سَرِ نمک (در ولایت سمنگان) یافت شدهاند.[۹]
دورهٔ فراپارینهسنگی افغانستان (۸٫۰۰۰–۱۰٫۰۰۰ پیش از میلاد) آثار بهدست آمده از این دوره در آقکُپرُک (در ولایت بلخ)، باد آسیا؟ (در ولایت بدخشان)، بهارک؟ (در ولایت بدخشان)، برخَنِ زادیان (در ولایت بلخ)، درهٔ کلان (در ولایت سمنگان)، هزارسُم (در ولایت سمنگان)، قَرَهکَمَر (در ولایت سمنگان)، لَنگارکیش؟ (در ولایت بدخشان)، رحمانگُل (در ولایت بدخشان)، سَندوکتی (در ولایت جوزجان)، شاهتپه (در ولایت سمنگان)، سیاهریگان (در ولایت سمنگان)، تاشگُذر (در ولایت فاریاب)، تاشقورغان (در ولایت سمنگان) و اوچتپه (در ولایت بلخ) یافت شدهاند.[۹]
دورهٔ نوسنگی
(۴۰۰۰–۸۰۰۰ پیش از میلاد)
دورهٔ نوسنگی واپسین مرحلهٔ عصر حجر است و قبل از عصر فلزات یعنی عصر مس (Chalcolithic)، عصر بُرُنز (۴۰۰۰–۸۰۰۰ پیش از میلاد) و عصر آهن (۷۰۰–۱۵۰۰ پیش از میلاد) آغاز میگردد. در دورهٔ نوسنگی، در برخی نواحی خاور میانه، انسان در حدود ۱۱ هزار سال پیش، از مرحله جمعآوری و شکار به مرحله کشت و اهلی کردن انتقال یافت. به این خاطر دورهٔ نوسنگی را «عصر کشاورزی» نیز دانستهاند.[۱۰]
در سال ۱۹۶۵ دکتر لوئی دوپری در نتیجه کاوشهای خود در آقکُپرُک، در جنوب مزار شریف و کنار بلخآب، آثاری را به دست آورد که براساس شواهد اهلیساختن حیوانات در این دوره، متعلق به دورهٔ نوسنگی است.[۱۱]
از دیگر پایگاههای باستانشناسی مربوط به دورهٔ نوسنگی میتوان از چاشبابا (در ولایت جوزجان)، چیلیکِ قُل (در ولایت جوزجان)، چیلیکِ یَلدَش (در ولایت جوزجان)، چیلیکِ یاسخان (در ولایت جوزجان)، گورزیوان (در ولایت فاریاب)، هزارسُم (در ولایت سمنگان)، جَرقودوق (در ولایت جوزجان)، کَوک (در ولایت جوزجان)، خواجه دوکوه (در ولایت فاریاب)، خواجه دوکوه نو (در ولایت فاریاب)، کیلیفت (در ولایت بلخ)، لَیرو؟ (در ولایت زابل)، قاق (در ولایت فاریاب)، قاقِ نظارآغا (در ولایت فاریاب)، قرهقُل (در ولایت جوزجان)، قَرهتپه (در ولایت سمنگان)، قورقودوق (در ولایت جوزجان)، سَفَروال (در ولایت جوزجان) و سیدآباد (در ولایت جوزجان) نام برد.[۹]
زمینهای کشاورزی با قدمتی ۲۰٫۰۰۰–۳۰٫۰۰۰ پیش از میلاد، که در هزار سُم و در کوهپایههای هندوکش یافت شدهاند، این واقعیت را تأیید میکنند که شمال افغانستان یکی از نخستین جایگاههای حیوانات و گیاهان خانگی بودهاست؛ و بعدها، روستاهای زراعی، با قدمتی ۵٫۰۰۰–۷٫۰۰۰ سال پیش از میلاد، در نزدیکی تپهٔ دِهمُراسی (پشتو: دِهمُراسی غوندَی) در ولایت قندهار، دورهٔ تحول انسان را نشان میدهد که روستاهایی با زمینهای کشاورزی پدیدار شده و جایش را به شهرهای کوچک دادهاست. در این دوران، شواهدی از فرهنگ عصر بُرُنز به وفور پدیدار میشود.
در این دوره، در حدود ۷۰۰۰ سال پیش از میلاد، دهقانان و چوپانانی در جلگههای حاصلخیز پیرامون هندوکُش زندگی میکردند. این مردمان صنعت ابتدائی خانهسازی با خشت خام و سفالگری را با خود به همراه آوردند و بعدها، در عصر مس (Chalcolithic)، از فروش لاجورد (Lapis lazuli) که در سواحل و بستر رودخانهها مییافتند و تجارت آن به کشورهای اولیه باختری از طریق فلات ایران و میانرودان ثروتمند میشدند.[۱۲]
عصر بُرُنز و عصر آهن
(عصر برنز: ۱۵۰۰–۴۰۰۰ ق.م. عصر آهن: ۷۰۰–۱۵۰۰ ق. م)
نگارهٔ ۳: تندیسهای ایزدبانوان مادر از مُندیگَک (چپ) و تپهٔ دِهمُراسی (راست)، گِل پُخته، ولایت قندهار، هزارهٔ سوم پیش از میلاد
.
نگارهٔ ۴: سنگ لاجوَرد (لاتین: Lapis lazuli) نوعی سنگ قیمتی آبیرنگ است که تنها در افغانستان یافت میشود[۱۳] ولی از هزاران سال پیش در جهان خواهان زیادی داشتهاست. این سنگ در جواهرات فراعنهٔ مصر باستان، هنر خاور نزدیک باستان و تا هنر رنسانسِ ایتالیا به چشم میخورد. وجود دهها تُن سنگ لاجورد بکارفته در گنجینههای شاهان میانرودان (بینالنهرین) و فراعنهٔ مصر باستان نشاندهندهٔ این واقعیت است که این سنگ قیمتی در آن عصر در اوج مُد بوده و نیاکان باشندگان افغانستان در تجارت و بازرگانی در عصر بُرُنز نقش پویایی داشتند. همچنین ضرورت انتقال این همه سنگ لاجورد از افغانستان به خاور نزدیک و مصر گواه بر موجودیت امکانات و تأسیسات پیشرفتهٔ بین راهی در آن عصر است. سمت چپ، بالا: نمونهای از سنگ لاجوَرد. سمت چپ، پایین: لاجورد بکار رفته در یکی از زیورآلات توتعنخآمون، یکی از فراعنهٔ مقتدر مصر باستان، ۱۳۵۲–۱۳۶۱ پیش از میلاد. سمت راست: لاجوَردِ بکار رفته در «قوچ در یک بیشه»، بدستآمده از مقبرههای شاهی شهر باستانی اور، میانرودان (بینالنهرین) باستان، عراق امروزی، ۲۵۰۰–۲۶۰۰ پیش از میلاد.
فرهنگ عصر بُرُنز (عصر مِفرَغ) اولیه در شمال و شرق افغانستان پدید آمد. در عصر برنز سه تمدن باختر-مرو (که گاه 'تمدن آمودریا' نامیده میشود)، درهٔ سِند و جیرُفت (تمدنی نیاعیلامی) در افغانستان اثرگذار بودند.[۱۴] (نقشهٔ ذیل را ببینید). نخستین شواهد واقعی شهریسازی در تپهٔ دِهمُراسی (پشتو: دِهمُراسی غوندَی) و مندیگَک (در نزدیکی قندهار امروزی) پدیدار گشت، که پایتختهای محلی تمدن دره سند بودند. اقتصاد بر اساس گندم، جو، دامداری و معدنکاری استوار بود. سنگ لاجوَرد که در گورهای پادشاهان اور در جنوب عراق، پیرامون ۲۵۰۰–۲۶۰۰ پیش از میلاد، بکار رفته بود از بدخشان در شمالشرق افغانستان در همان دوره استخراج شده بود. همچنین شبکهٔ راه زمینی بازرگانی دوربردی با میانرودان (بینالنهرین) و مصر ایجاد شده بود. با اینکه بسیاری از آثار ساحههای چون دشت دَشلی به غارت رفته، آثار بسیار زیاد دیگری نیز کشف شده، و آثار بیشتری انتظار میرود در این ساحهها پیدا شوند. در طی جستجوهای باستانشناسان برای یافتن تمدن، آنها در مُندیگک (در نزدیکی قندهار امروزی) شواهدی از یک شهر واقعی پیدا کردند، و شواهدی از بناها و اشیائی که شهرهای واقعی برجای میمانند: بناهای مذهبی و آثار هنری حجاریشده و نقاشی شده. در مندیگک، باستانشناسان بنای ستوندار بزرگی متعلق به هزارهٔ سوم پیش از میلاد کشف کردند که درگاهش با خط سرخ ترسیم شده بود، و احتمالاً برای اهداف مذهبی بنا شده بود. در تپهٔ دِهمُراسی، باستانشناسان مجموعهای از یک زیارتگاه را پیدا کردند که حاوی اشیایی بود متعلق به مراسم مذهبی همچون شاخهای بُز، یک کاسه، مُهر مِسی، لولهٔ مسی توخالی، جام کوچکی از سنگ مرمر، و یک تندیس سفالگریشده و کندهکاریشده از یک ایزدبانوی مادر (نگارهٔ ۳) و تندیسی که نشانهٔ فراوانی بوده و مشابه تندیسهایی بود که در مندیگک نیز یافت شده بودند. عاقبت تپهٔ دِهمُراسی در حدود ۱۵۰۰ پیش از میلاد متروکه شد، شاید به دلیل تغییر مسیر رودخانه بهسوی غرب که تپهٔ دِهمُراسی آنجا بنا شده بود. مندیگک برای ۵۰۰ سال دیگر نیز دوام پیدا کرد. دو هجوم پیاپی قومی کوچنشین از سوی شمال باشندگان این ساحهها را بعد از ۲۰۰۰ سال زیست مداومشان در این شهر مجبور به ترک آن شدند. زمانیکه باستانشناسان در افغانستان تمدنهای باستانی را در مندیگک و دِهمُراسی کاوش میکردند، نزدیک به سه هزار کیلومتر آنطرفتر در غرب، در شهر باستانی اور در جنوب عراق، یک تیم دیگر از باستانشناسان زمانی که جواهر و آثار کشفشدهٔ دیگر یافتشده از مقبرههای شاهی (حدود ۲۴۰۰ پیش از میلاد) را مطالعه میکردند، به آثار چشمگیر دیگری برخوردند. بیش از بیست هزار مُهرههای ساختهشده از سنگ لاجوَرد از مقبرههای شاهی بیرون کشیده شده بودند که همگی دقیقاً ترکیب معدنی یکسانی داشتند؛ بدین معنا که همگی از یک معدن استخراج شده بودند. در واقع، پس از بررسیهای گسترده، به این نتیجه رسیدند که تقریباً هر یک از این لاجوردهای بکاررفته در جواهرات شاهانِ خاور نزدیک باستان (نگارهٔ ۴) - که هزاران کیلو سنگ لاجوَرد بود - همگی از یک رشتهکوه آمده بودند، معدن سرِ سنگ در اعماق هندوکش افغانستان.
انتقال این همه سنگ لاجورد از افغانستان تا میانرودان (بینالنهرین)، و حتی تا مصر (جایی که این سنگ آبیرنگ به عنوان اوج مُد انگاشته میشد)، و حمل اجناس قیمتی از آنطرف (همچون طلا، مس، سنگهای قیمتی، چوب و حیوانات غیر بومی) بدون تدارکات لجستیکی پیشرفته و مجموعهای از امکانات و تأسیسات بین راهی امکان نداشت. همانطور که شواهد باستانشناسی نشان میدهد، تمدن دوران هزارهٔ چهارم و سوم پیش از میلاد هیچ خلأئی را در پهناوری دنیای ارتباطی و تجاری که میانرودان را با هند و چین وصل میکرده، باقی نگذاشتهاست. در ۴۰۰۰ پیش از میلاد، شکلهای اولیه از زندگی شهری با فرهنگهای خاص در بازههای زمانی منظم رونق پیدا کرد، که نمونهٔ آن جاپاهای سنگی، در سرتاسر آسیای میانه است؛ بنابراین لاجوَردی که از معادن سرِ سنگ در افغانستان به شهرهای بزرگی چون اور در ۲۴۰۰ پیش از میلاد میرسید و در امتداد راههای تجاری حمل میشد، مبادلهٔ آن هزاران سال پیش از آن فعال بودهاست. برعکس تمدنهای میانرودان، مصر یا درهٔ سند، در تمدنهای آسیای میانه، رودهای برتری برای تمرکز دادنِ مردم، منابع و مبادلات در مسیر کوه تا اقیانوس وجود نداشت. با این وجود، آمیزشی بزرگ از مردمان متنوع و جوامع مستقل در این سرزمینهای دورافتاده برخاستند - یک شهرنشینی ناپیوسته که در آن کمبود آب و شرایط اقلیمی سخت معمول بودهاست.
آثار بهدست آمده از عصر بُرُنز در افغانستان (۱۵۰۰–۴۰۰۰ پیش از میلاد) در اکرمقلعه (در ولایت هلمند)، علیآباد (در ولایت کُندوز)، آقکُپرُک (در ولایت بلخ)، اَرَنجی (در ولایت جوزجان)، اَیَتانتپه (در ولایت سمنگان)، باد سهغوندَی (در ولایت قندهار)، باغِ پولغوندی (در ولایت قندهار)، بَرَگتوت (در ولایت فراه)، باسیز (در ولایت کُندوز)، بوئینهقره (در ولایت بلخ)، چادُرتپه (در ولایت بلخ)، چارسنگتپه (در ولایت قندهار)، چولِ آبدان (در ولایت کُندوز)، دَم (در ولایت نیمروز)، درهٔ کور (در ولایت بدخشان)، دَشلی ۱ (در ولایت جوزجان)، دشلی ۳ (در ولایت جوزجان)، دشلی شرقی (در ولایت جوزجان)، دشلی جنوبی (در ولایت جوزجان)، تپهٔ دِهمُراسی (در ولایت قندهار)، ده نو (در ولایت سمنگان)، فرخآباد (در ولایت بلخ)، گردانریگ (در ولایت نیمروز)، هیردایتپه (در ولایت فاریاب)، قندهار، خوشبای (در ولایت تخار)، خوشتپه (تپه فُلول) (در ولایت بغلان)، کهنه قلعه طالقان (در ولایت تخار)، لَیرو (در ولایت زابل)، مُندیگَک (در ولایت قندهار)، مُندیحصار (در ولایت قندهار)، قونسای (در ولایت کُندوز)، قورغانتپه (در ولایت تخار)، سعید قلعهتپه (در ولایت قندهار)، سسماق (در ولایت تخار)، شهر صفا (در ولایت زابل)، شیرآباد (در ولایت سمنگان)، شورتوغَی (در ولایت تخار)، سیاهریگان (در ولایت سمنگان)، اِسپیروَن (در ولایت قندهار)، تیکَر (در ولایت فاریاب) و اورتهبُز (در ولایت تخار) یافت شدهاند. (نقشهٔ بالا را ببینید)[۹]
1863-1901
BY
M. HASSAN KAKAR
BEG/ D
1 6 g 3
BRILL
LEIDEN • BOSTON
2006
On he coW: Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan
This book is printed on acid-free paFr.
Ubrary Of Congress Cataloging-in-PubEcaGon Data
Kakar, M. Hassan.
A political and diplomatic history or Afghanistan, 1863-1901 / Mohammad Hassan
- cm. - (Brill's Inner Asian library ; v. 1 7)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978-90-04-15185-7
ISBN-10: 90-04-15185-0 (hardback : alk. paper)
- and government— 19th century. 2. relations. I. Title. Il. *rics.
DS364.K35 2006
958.1'03—dc22
2006043934
ISSN 1566-7162
ISBN-13: 978-90-04-15185-7
ISBN-10•. 90-04-15185-0
O Copyrght 2006 by Koninkljke BrillNV, [Æiden, The Netherlands
Konink19ke .NV incorporates the imprints Brill Academe Hblishers, Martinus JVjhoff hbhshers and VSE
All r*hts reserved. No part of this publication mgy be reprduced, stored in a retrieval or transmitted in anyform or by ay means, elu&onic, mechanual, photocopying, recording or omau.'ig, u,'iåout FmissOnfrom publisher.
Authorization to photocopy itemsfr inurnal or personal We granted by Brill the appmphaußs are paid directly to The
C„karante Cmter, 222 Ibiz:e, Suite 910 M,' 01923, USA.
Fees are subßt charge.
To my teachers and professors especially the late Najm al-Din Tarakay of the high school in Laghman and Malcolm Edward Yapp of the University of London.
CONTENTS
Preface
|
Other books and translation of books by M. H. Kakar |
x |
|
|
Abbreviations . Introduction . |
PART ONE POLITICAL HISTORY |
|
|
Chapter One: |
The Reign of Amir Sher 'Ali Khan |
9 |
|
Chapter Two: |
The British Afghan War and the Accession or Amir al-Rahman |
|
|
|
Khan |
25 |
|
Chapter Three: |
The Afghan Victory at Maiwand |
|
|
|
and the Reunification of Afghanistan |
45 |
|
Chapter Four: |
The Pacification of Eastern |
|
|
|
Afghanistan |
63 |
|
Chapter Five: |
The Great Ghilzay Uprising and its |
|
|
|
Suppression |
87 |
|
Chapter Six: |
The Revolt of Sardar Mohammad Ishaq |
|
|
|
and its Suppression |
96 |
|
Chapter Seven: |
The Pacification of Border Principalities |
|
|
|
in Northern Afghanistan |
106 |
|
Chapter Eight: |
The Pacification of the Hazaras |
120 |
|
Chapter Nine: |
The Conquest of Former Kafiristan PART •rwo EXTERNAL RELATIONS |
139 |
|
Chapter Ten: |
Relations with the British Government |
|
|
|
of India and the Durand Agreement |
159 |
|
Chapter Eleven: |
Relations with Rus.sia and the Russian |
|
|
|
Occupation of Panjdeh |
193 |
|
Chapter Twelve: |
Relations with Persia and the Ottoman |
|
|
|
Turkey |
210 |
CONTENTS
Conclusion 217 Appendices 231
241
Glossary 247 Index 251
PREFACE
My first work in English entitled, Afghanistan, A Study in Internal Political Developments, was published in 1971. It covered only sixteen years of the 21-year reign of Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan (pronounced Abdur Rahman) and was based only on the unpublished and published documents of the British Government of India, which I had collected from the India Offce Library and Records in London (now a part of the British Library Asia, Pacific and Africa Collections), for my M.Phil. thesis.
In the following years of the 1970s, I overhauled the entire 1971 publication on the basis of new sourcc material that I had obtained from the archival centers in Kabul and New Delhi. The Afghan offcial chronicle, Siraj al-Tawarikh, became another valuable source which was not available to me in London. I completed the revision of the 1971 work at Princeton and Harvard universities where I served as a visiting Fellow. These new sources enabled me to cover the entire reign of the amir, not only politically but diplomatically also, and to add some new topics as described in the Introduction of the present study. Subsequently, I revised the previously overhauled 1971' text on the basis of two important books: Sirdar Abdul Qadir Effendi's Royals and Royal Mendicant (1948?) and Major General Sir Charles M. MacGregor's War in Afghanistan, 1879—80 (1985).
I have performed the revision of my original study over an extended period of time, in line with the advice of Socrates, who had advised that the lover of inquiry must follow his beloved wherever it may lead him."l As a result of the thoroughness of this revision, the excellence of the historical sources, and my specialist knowledge of the subject, it is now possible to state that the national as well as the local history, of Afghanistan during this period (1863—1901) has become clearer than its history, during any other comparable period.
I would like to express my thanks to Stanley Barton for reading the entire manuscript and offering valuable editorial suggestions.
Plato, The Trial and Death Of Socrates, Translated by Grube, C. M. Hacket Publishing Co. Indianapolis, Cambridge, 1975, 18.
OTHER BOOKS AND TRANSLATION OF BOOKS BY M. H. KAKAR
In English
Afghanistan, A Study in Internal Political Developments, 1880—1896 (l .971)
Government and Society in Afghanistan, The Reign of Arnir tAbd al-Rahman Khan (1979)
Afghanistan, The Soviet Invasion and the Afghan Response, 1979—1982 ( 1995)
In Pashto
The Geneva Compromise on Afghanistan (1988)
Afghans in the Spring Of 1987 at War with the Russians (1990)
L.ight and Defense or Essays on the Population, History and Current Affairs Of Afghanistan, Editor (1999)
Journey to the Homeland; Taliban and Islamic Fundamentalism, (2004)
The Reign of King Aman Allah Reconsidered (2005)
In Dari
Afghan, Afghanistan and Afghans and the Organization or the State in India, Persia and Afghanistan (1978)
The Second Anglo-Afghan War (1989)
Translation
(Pashto or Dari)
Gorky on Literature (1961)
What is History? E. H. Carr, author (1968)
The Real World of Democracy, C. B. McPherson, author (1971)
Account of the Kingdom of Caubul, 2 vols., M. Elphinstone, author (1982)
Introduction to the Philosoehy of Education, George Knclle, author (2002)
Manuscript in Pashto
Journal of Political Developments, 1979— 1982
|
ARAMFA |
The Archives of the Royal Afghan Ministry• of Foreign Affairs, Kabul |
|
BACA |
Biographical Accounts of Chiefs, Sardars and others of Afghanistan, Calcutta, 1888 |
|
BSOAS |
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies |
|
CD |
Chitral Agency Diary |
|
DSCD |
Dir, Swat, Chitral Agency Diary |
|
GAK (1895) |
Gazetteer of Afghanistan, Kabul, pt. 4, 1895 |
|
GD |
Gilgit Agency Diary |
|
IGA |
Imperial Gazetteer of India, Afghanistan and Nepal, (Calcutta, 1908) |
|
IOL |
India Offce Library, Commonwealth Relations Offce, London |
|
HD |
Herat Diarv |
|
Kand. D |
Kandahar Diary Kabul Diary |
|
Kh.D. |
Khyber Agency Diary |
|
Maia. D. |
Malakand Agency Diary |
ABBREVIATIONS*
Monthly Memorandum
Military Report ori Afghanistan, (Calcutta, 1906)
MRA (1925) Military Report on Afghanistan, (Delhi, 1925)
NAI National Archives of India, Delhi Peshawar Agency Diary
PNEA Papers relating to Afghanistan, Narrative of Events in Afghanistan, 1878—1880
PSI-I Political and Secret Letters and Enclosures Received fin London] from India
References to the records without ARAMFA or NAI indicate recor& of the India Omce Library, and Commonwealth Relations Offce, now a part of the British library, London.
Archival sources are cited without special marks while their volumes and pages are cited only by their numbers. The pattern Of the archival sources varies toward the end of Amir 'Abd al-Rahman's reign. Siraj al-Tawa+ikh without the mention of volume refer-s to its third volume which is devoted entirely to the sixteen years of the amir's reign.
ABBREVIATIONS
SJD Sawal wa Jawab-e-Dawlati (Amir CAbd al-Rahman's interviews with the viceroy of India), Mohammad Nabi, (author), Kabul 1915
(T) Telegram
This work begins with the death of Amir Dost .\lohammad KhaJ1 in 1863 and ends Lhc death of Amir %Abd al-Rahman Khan in 1901. It is an in depth study of the political history and external relations of Afghanistan during the second reign of Amir Sher 'Ali Khan and thc entire reign of Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan (pronounced Abdur Rahman), who ruled from July 20, 1880 to OC',ober 2, 1901. The reigns of these two amirs were characterized by their efforts in centralizing and consolidating state order as never before. It was also during their reigns that the boundaries of Afghanistan were internationally agreed for the first time in its long history albeit to its disadvantage. The centralization efforts also became significant because they became a model for their succes•ors.
The introductory remarks of this study begin with the reign of Amir Dost Mohammad Khan, who founded the Mohammadzay dynasty following a long period of civil war, which broke out after the Sadozay dynasty fell from power, in 1818. He was the father of Amir Sher 'Ali Khan, and the grandfather of Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan, and these three figures were the giant players of nineteenthcentury Afghanistan. The Sadozays and Mohammadzays, who played a pivotal role in the history of modern Afghanistan for almost two and a half centuries (1747—1978) were respectively sections of the Popalzay and Barakzay divisions of the Pashtun Durranay tribal confederation, while the Pashtuns have dominated the political scene of the country in modern times. I
The Pashtuns (or Pakhtuns) also caned the Afghans, and the Pathans are among the ancient inhabitants of Afghanistan, constituting lin91istically fifty five and genealogically two percent of the present population or the country. The Tajiks, the Hazaras, Uzbeks, the Turkmen, the Char Aimaq and others are the other ethnic goups of the country. (Wak Foundation of Afghanistan, Ethnic Composition of Afghanistan, Sapay Center for Pashto Research and Development, Peshawar, 1998, 62, 73).
The name 'Pashtun' is probably the 'Pakthas' of the Vedic period, which Hendotus in the fifth century B.C.E. recorded as "Påctyes% in the inhabitants of "the Pactyic country, north of the rest of India," who, he States, "live much like the Bactrians." The word Afghan appears in ancient Indian, Persian and Chinese
Dost .Nlohammad Khan assumed power first as the governor of Kabul in 1826 and later as the amir of Afghanistan, in 1834, but the British deported him to India in 1840 after they had invaded Afghanistan in 1838. The invasion resulted in a full-scale war
sources as 'Asvaka'. 'Asva-Ghana', 'Abgan', 'Apakan', 'Avagana', •Ap-o-kicn' and, finally, 'Afghan•. The Persian-speaking people still pronouncc 'Afghan' as 'Aoghan'. In modern times the word 'Afghan' has come to signify all of thc inhabitants or Afghanistan.
According to many authors, the name •Pathan' is derived from •Pakhtana', the plural of 'Pakhtun'. However, this docs not seem to bc true as the name has come into use since the twelfth century in India when some Pashtuns sctded in the Patna district in the Bahar province. The Indians then called them, according to the historian hrishta, as •Pathan' after Patna.
Although the Pashtuns are genealogy-conscious they have no written records of their ancestors. Herodotus mentions Gandaharii, Aparytae, and Sittagydae, names that may refer to the inhabitants of Gandahara, Apriday (or Afriday), and the Khattak. But according to one legend, the present-day Pashtuns are the descendants of a person known as Qays, who may have lived in and around the Kisay Char, or in Ghor, in western Afghanistan in the seventh century. This Qays, according to the legend, v•isited the Prophet Muhammad in Medina, who named him QAys %Abd al-Rashid.
The name •Qays' is probably the Arabicized form of 'Kisay', a name that signifies a series of ranges that came to be known in the Islamic period the 'Sulaiman Mountains', described by Morgenstieme "as the earliest known home of the Afghans." 'Kisay' was probably also the given name of the person in question, and that he changed it to Qays 'Abd al-Rashid under the Islamic impulse, as was common practice in Islamic Afghanistan. The change Of Isapzai or Asapzai to Yusufzay is another example of this type.
Groups of people have also related themselves to the Arabs. The Shinwaray Pashtuns, for example, formerly called themselves sods—that is, the descendants of the Prophet, Muhammad, through his daughter, Fatima. Even Pashto has been consi&red by some to a Semitic language. Ihe Kam tribe of the former Kahristan too that they were related to the Quraysh tribe to which the Prophet, Muhænmad, belonged. These associations were made because in Islamic Afghanistan thc sayedJ were (and still are) respected, and the govcrnment paid them as well as the mullas and religious leaders (pi'S) allowances. Amir 'Abd al-Rahman, however, compelled the sayycds to present the firmans on the basis of which they received allowances. Since only a few could, he discontinued the allowances, saying, "I am tired of these Soyids (sic). How is it that the soyids arc found in such large numbers everywhere? I can not accept the genealogical table of any of them". In general, it is probably imposible for Afghan sgyyds to prow hat they are Arabs by descent.
Qays 'Abd al-Rashid had four sons: Beett (or Beettnai), Ghorghasht, Sarbun, and Korla. The contradiction is obvious between these names and the name •Abd al Rashid'. If •Qays' had converted to Islam, as the legend says he had, he certainly would have given his sons Muslim names, not purely Pashto names such as these. Also, how can the descendants of one person multiply in the course of fourteen centuries to about forty million known souls of the present day Pashtuns, who now Eve on both sides of the Durand Line? Recendy (1976), Afghan historian, Ahmad •Ali Kohzad, has advanced the view according to which Beett, Ghorghasht, and Sarbun were the illustrious ancestors and heroes of the Pashtuns in the Avestan
(1838—1841) that came to be known in the Afghan sources as the First Anglo-Afghan war and in the English annals as thc Afghan war. After the British had lost more than 16, 500 soldiers and their Indian camp followers, and that the war had ended, they allowed Dost Mohammad Khan to return to Afghanistan. Upon his return home in 1843 he assumed power once again as an independent amir and ruled the country until his death in June 1863. By the time of his death he had reunited the fragmented country more by statesmanship than by force, and reorganized the shattered economy and the government along traditional lines. The Afghanistan that he ruled stretched from the Oxus River (Amu Darya) to the territories up to Peshawar. Dost Mohammad Khan was assisted by his numerous sons and grandsons some of whom served as provincial governors, known as sardars ('persons in command; general'), and governed almost autonomously, subject only to Amir dost Mohammad Khan.
After the heir-apparent, Sardar Sher 'Ali Khan (b. 1822), became amir some of the provincial governors rebelled. The rebellion lasted interrnittendy for four years (1864—1868) during which time Afghanstan
period who were then known respectively by the names Of Atratt, Gharshasib, and Sarand
According to the aforementioned legend, the present-day di'Åsions of Pashtuns descended from the first three sons; for example, the Durranays (formerly called Awdaul or Abdaul), the Barezh, the Tarin, the Ghoryakhel, and the Yusufzays are said to descended from Sarbun; the Kakars, the Daways, the Babis and 0thers from Ghorghast; and the Ghilzays, the Lodays, the Suris, the Niazays and others are descended from Beett. Korla is said to have had no issues. (For details see, Neamet Ullah, History of the 4Éhans, Trans. from Persian into English with annotadons by Dom, Bernard, Vanguard Books (PVT), Lahore, 1999 (Reprint), 26—42. Herodotus, The History, Translated by Grene, D. , The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, London, 1987, 3—91, 3.102, 7.67, 7.85. Khattak, Tahkh-e-Mtmwa' (in pcshto),
- Cknaal Hi.Jtory of the Pashtuns, ed. Kamil Momand, D. M., University Book Agency, Peshawar, 606—624. Afzal Khan Khattak was a grandson of the great poet and warrior Khushhal Khattak. Morgensticrne, G., "The People; The Pashto Language: Pashto Literature", The Encyclopedia of Islam, vol. l, 1960, 216—221. Durnnay, Sultan Mohammad, The History of Sultant, (in Dari) Bombay, 1298 H. Q, 14—23. Kakar, M. E. ."han, Ughani5tan and the *ans and the Organization ofthe State in Indi, Persia and Afanislan, (in Dari), Kabul University Press, 1978, 1—37. Kakar, Govnment and Society in afghanistan, The of Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan, 1880—1901, rexas University Press at Austin, 1979, 157—158. Kohzad, Ahmad 'Ali, Gharghaht ya Gharshasib, (in Persian), (Gharghasht or Gharshasib], Kabul, first published In 1976, reprint by the Daunish Book Store, Peshawar, 1999. Siyal, Mira Jan., Zeno Pafhtano ShØary aw da Mainay azv Lund Tahkh, (in Pashto) [The of Sme Pasha-m Tribes and lands and Short Histoy), University Book Agency, Peshawar, 1986. I am grateful to Dr. Zamin Mohrnand for lending me this important book.
was plunged into a war in which many sons and grandsons of the late amir participated. In the course of the war Sardar 'Abd alRahman Khan, the only son Of the eldest son of the late amir, distinguished himself by helping his father and his full-uncle to the throne one after the other. Amir Sher CAIi Khan became a fugiti\e within his own country, but did not give up the fight. Finally in September 1868, he regained the throne with the help of his eldest son, Sardar Mohammad Ya'qub Khan, and Sardar %Abd al-Rahman Khan fled to Samarqand in Central Asia after his father and his full-uncle had died one after the other. In Samarqand Sardar CAbd al-Rahman Khan remained on a Russian pension for eleven years.
During his second reign, described in Chapter One, Amir Sher CAIi Khan organized his administration, and introduced some reforms, which put Afghanistan on the road to becoming a nation-state. However, the British, in the pursuit of their Forward Policy of the 1870s, occupied the country once agam in 1878. This occupation resulted in the Second Anglo-Afghan war, and it destroyed all that Amir Sher 'Ali Khan had accomplished. The viceroy of India, Lord Lytton, even decided to break up the country, and help the fugitive
Sardar CAbd al-Rahman ascend the throne of what he called "Northem Afghanistan."
Lytton opposed thc risc to power of any member of the house of Amir Sher 'Ali Khan, after the Afghans had massacred•the personnel of the British embassy in Kabul in an uprising. However, subsequent events obliged him as well as his immediate successor to abandon the scheme of fragmentation. His successor even assisted the new ruler, Amir CAbd al-Rahman Khan, in reuniting the whole country. This occurred after Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, a son of the late Amir Sher %Ali Khan, had inflicted a stunning defeat on the British army at Maiwand, threatening the position of the British as well as that of the new amir. To overcome the common foe, the British assisted the amir, not only with money and weapons, but also by handing him over the province of Kandahar, which they had omcially declared independent in the name of a local ruler as part of their scheme of fragmenting the country. To the relief of the British the amir expelled his rival cousin to Persia, and succeeded in reuniting the country. But the reunification was incomplete since the British retained the Khyber and the Michni Passes, along with the districts of Kurram (Kurma), Pishin and Sibi that they had acquired by the treaty of Gandumak, of 1879. Additionally, the British were to conduct the external relations of the country, and later by the Durand Agreement or the Kabul Convention of 1893, they even deprived the amir of ruling over a vast region in the castern hinterland.
As amir, 'Abd al-Rahman Khan began the work which his predecessor, Amir Sher 'Ali Khan, had begun, but focused more on state building than nation building. Consequently, he concentrated on order and security, and drastically curtailed the traditional liberty that the Afghans especially their rural magnates enjoyed. He had reasons for doing so. Externally, by then Afghanistan had Iren encircled almost entirely by the British and Russian empires. They also curbed the amir's drive for regaining the territories that Afghanistan had lost previously, and also seized additional territory. Later in his reign they even reached an understanding between themselves and made Afghanistan a buffer state. The amir suspected both powers, and made their understanding a further justification for consolidating the government and his dynastic power, thereby demanding sacrifices from his subjects. Internally, the amir also had problems not less demanding. He was to establish his rule in the face of opposition of dynastic rivals. The more popular son of the late amir, Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, proved a formidable rival, as noted above. While Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan succeeded in expelling him to Persia in 1881, his struggle with him, as well as his close ties with the British, alienated from the amir the Durranays and most of those who had fought the British during their occupation of Afghanistan. In 1888 the amir's full-cousin, Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan, the virtual autonomous governor of Afghan Turkestan, rebelled, but failed to unseat the amir. The defeated sardar took refuge in Samarqand a second time and the expansionist empires of Britain and Russia became homes to his dynastic rival cousins, including the former amir, Mohammad Yacqub Khan.
The external threats coupled with those from dynastic rivals as well as potential threats from provincial magnates con•hnced the amir that for Afghanistan to survive as a country it must have a strong central government with a strong military force. But this schene required the allocation- of a large proportion of financial resources and the curtailment of traditional autonomy of tribal communides and elders. Consider-ing the country's meager resources and the unwillingness of its people to live under a police state this was a most stupendous task that the amir set for himself. This scheme
resdted in over 40 rebellions of which I have studied only the major ones. The pacification of Hazarajat and the conquest of Kafiristan for the first time were different in nature. All of these events as well as the encirclement of the country by the British and Russian empires, and the demarcation of its boundaries make the reign of Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan as the most formative period in the history of modern Afghanistan.
In view of their importance to the history of Afghanistan, Afghan relations with the British Government of India and with Russia constitute the major part of this study. Britain and Russia which had started the so-called Great Game to dominate the Central Asian lands much earlier in the century had finally besieged Afghanistan in the period under discussion. To them Afghanistan was a land without borders, an alibi for their forvvard movements. On the other hand, it was the policy of Afghan rulers in particular Amir •Abd al Rahman Khan to restore to Afghanistan the outlying territories she had previously lost. Afghanistan became, thus, a theatre for these pouers to carry on their forward policies in opposite directions. All this made the period not only rich in events internally but also internationally. I have studied the external developments in particular the Durand Agreement and the Russian occupation of Panjdeh in detail mainly in reference to the internal politics of Afghanistan, the kind of study no other scholar has previously attempted.
The foundation of-the present study is my M.Phil thesis entided Ughanistan, A Study in Inumal Political DweloPtnenLs, 1880—1896, published privately in Lahore in 1971. This work was narrower in scope and covered only the sixteen years of the twenty-one-year reign of Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan. After its publication I located a great number of new sources particularly while performing research for my Ph.D. thesis, entitled, Gowmment and Socio *a.nütan.• The of Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Dwt. Published in 1979, this work, as its title indicates, is a study of the government structure and some aspects of society to the exclusion of political and diplomatic history
The source materials drawn upon in the present study, as web my previous works, are varied and extensive, and have been ated in detail in my 1979 publication. Among the new unpublished sources that I have consulted for the present work are those diat I collected from the National Archives of India, in New Delhi. I also collected source materials from the India Offce Library and Records, in landon, (now part of the British Library Asia • Pacific and Africa Collections), and in the Royal Ministry of External Relations, in Kabul, where I was the only scholar to be given access to the files relating to the reign of Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan. Among a number of omcial and un-official printed sources in Persian, mention should be made of volume three of Siro al-Tawarikh, (The Lnmp of Histories) and the works of Mohammad Yusuf Riyazi. As an offcial chronicle, the first covers in minute detail the first sixteen years of the reign of Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan while the second addresses the events of the period in a general way. These works I was unable to consult before.
An especially important and rare work not consulted previously is Royals and Royal Mendicmt by Sirdar Abdul Effendi (b. 1888), the eldest son of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan. Based on tamily archives it is a biographical account of Amir Dost Mohammad Khan and Amir Sher CAIi Khan, as well as that of the hero of Maiwand, Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan. It is the first major book of its kind in which an educated prince describes events surrounding his fallen dynasty, and is noteworthy for the author's objectivity, and critical attitude. In his own words, "With these exposures I feel proud that I have got nothing hidden from the reader. I •sould never sacrifice truth for any consideration.'" I remain permanently grateful to Sardar Mohammad Yahya Effendi, a relation of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan and now a retired army offcer in Rawalpindi in Pakistan, for granting me a copy of it. Mention should also be made pf an unpublished pamphlet, Reminiscences: A Short History of an Era, 1869—1881 by Mahmud Tarzi (1865—1933) who was a grandson of a brother of Amir Dost Mohammad Khan As a patriotic poet, a prolific author, and a distinguished journalist and diplomat, Tarzi influenced his contemporary politicians and intellectuals, and as the minister of external in the reign of King Aman Allah Khan he played a leading role in state affairs. His account, although brief and sometimes unreliable contains some useful information and insights. I am grateful to Dr M. Ibrahim Majid Seraj, a grandson of Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan, for providing me with a copy of its English translation.
Sirdar M. A.
1791—1947, Lon Hess, Lahore, year of print unhiown (1948?), 284. Efindi• was the eldest son Of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub and a gran&n Of Amir Sher •Ali.
One ,important work in English is IV'ar in Afghanistan. 1878—80, the Persona] Diary of Major General Sir Charles Metcalf MacGregor, published only recently (1985) with an introduction by Dr. William Trousdale. As the compiler Of the Gazetteer of Central Asia (a large part of which is devoted to Afghanistan) MacGregor, who served as the Chief of Staff of the British forces Kabul was well informed. His diary is in sharp contrast to the official statements and published reports of the British government officers of the era which were composed within strict limitations. Although clumsy in matters of diplomacy and hopeless in strategy and realpolitik, in all of whic' he mistakenly believed he excelled but he had, nonetheless, telli g insights into personalities and issues. "3 The diary complements official reports as well as Royals and Royal Mendicants. While the latter is a valuable source about the Mohammadzay rulers and princes and elders, MacGregor's diary is a valuable source with regard to their British counterparts in Kabul. I remain grateful to Dr. Trousdale for giving me a copy of this important work.
It is due to the excellence of source materials, both Afghan and non-Afghan, that this work meets the requirement of historiography. These materials are not only abundant but also highly reliable, given the complexity of human affairs and the limitations and fallibility of those who record them. The sources, as well as my specialist knowledge of the subject, have enabled me to give a balanced and proportionate account of the whole story. Now and then during the past thirty years or so I have revised and developed -as well as compresed the entire text of the original work, especially the chapter on the former Kafiristan. The Introduction is entirely new as is Chapter I as well as the following subsections: Waziristan, Bar Duarranays and Afghanistan, Maymana, Roshan and Shighnan, Wakhan, and International Significance of the Conquest of Kafiristan. Part Two, which deals exclusively with external relations, is likewise an entirely new addition as is the Conclusion.
3 Trousdale, W. Introduction, in MacGregor, War in Ughantstan, 1879—80, The Persmal Diar ofMajor Gneral Sir Charks, MetaCfe MacGregor, with an Introduction by Trousdale, W., Wayne State University Press, Detroit, 1985, 68.
CHAVÆR ONE
THE REIGN OF AMIR SHER CALI KHAN
The Accession
After Arnir Dost Mohammad Khan, the founder of the Mohammadzay dynasty, died Of asthma on June 9, 1863 at the age Of seventy-two, his ambitious sons from among his twenty-seven sons and twenty— five daughters born of sixteen wives fought among themselves in a conflict that lasted intermittently for four years. During the 21 years of his second reign, which had begun in 1843, the amir had succeeded in reunifying the fragrnented country which stretched from the Oxus River to the plains of Peshawar mainly through statesmanship and strategy. From an early age, during the Sadozay rule (Or the Durranay Empire), he held high offcial posts along with his many brothers, most of whom alQ) served the dynasty.
Sadozay dynasty had been founded by Ahmad Shah Durtanay, who ruled from 1747 to 1773. Following the dynasty's fall, in 1818, Dost Mohammad Khan distinguished himself greatly in the ensuing struggle for power even though he was one of the youngest of his brothers, and born of a Sipahmansur Qizilbash mother, from a minority Turkoman ethnic group. Of the twenty-one sons of Sardar Payanda Khan, called the Barakzay or Mohammadzay sarchrs, it was the eldest, Wazir Fatih Khan, and one of the youngest, Sardar Dost Mohammad Khan, who played the most important roles in the downfall of the ruling Sadozay dynasty. While the forrner acted as a state minister (wazir) and promoted his brothers to high posts the latter finally grabbed the throne when the former had died. In 1826 Sardar Dost Mohammad became the governor of Kabul, and in 1834 he became amir. During this long period of civil he, along with his brothers, first overcame members• of the forrner dma.sty and aften.vard sidelined his own rival brothers. Some of his rival brothers had already died of natural causes. However, Amir Dost Mohammad Khan's fint reign did not last long as the British deported him to India in 1840, after they had invaded Afghanistan in 1838. During his second reign, which began in 1843, his many sors and grandsons helped him extend his authority throughout the country. Known as the great amir (amir-e-kabir), he died in Herat shortly after he ircorporated that province into his kingdom. Herat had been autonomous since 1818. 1
At the time of Amir Dost Mohammad Khan's death his third son, Sardar Sher Khan held the position of heir—apparent (u,uli'ahd
The amir had designated him as such after the two heirs-designate— Sardar Mohammad Akbar Khan and Sardar Ghulam Haydar Khan had died one after the other in 1847 and 1859 respectively. Just before his own death the amir ". . . pulled himself together to don the turban [Of rulership] on the head of our hero, the "Lion or 'Ali"2 after which hc was called Amir Sher 'Ali Khan. On the subject of state power, however, Pashtun princes have seldom heeded the words of their dead fathers. It is alleged that even before the late amir was buried the new amir's " . . youthful brother [Sardar Mohammad] Aslam intended to dispatch him [to the grave] with a pistol bullet, when the enlightened elder brother Sardar [Mohammad] ACzam prevented regicide. "3 However, the "enlightened elder brother" was among the first to raise the standard of rebellion.
Civil War
Amir Sher Khan ruled in relative peace for two years with the exception of minor expeditions such as the one undertaken against Sardar Mohammad AC zam Khan, the governor of Zurmula (Zurmut) who was exiled to India. In 1864, the amir undertook the first major expedition against his eldest half- brother, Sardar Mohammad Afzal Khan, the governor of Turkcstan, who had refused to pay revenue and read the Friday sermon (khutba) in the amir's name. This was an open act of rebellion as reading khutba in the name of the reigning amir as well as payrng revenue was the obligation of a governor. The amir feared that he might claim the throne, since he was the ddest of their father's M)ns, and further, possessed an army of
I ETendi, Royals and Royal Madiant, 72. According to Fayz Mohammad, Amir Dost Mohammad Khan had 27 Sons and 25 daughters bom Of 16 wives. d-
Tazurh, vols. I and 2 one cover, Kabul, 1331 H.Q., 250. 2 Effendi, Royals and Royal Madwant, 81.
I l
twenty-five thousand troops, and had ruled the important frontier region for almost ten years after it had been pacified in 1855. A former British offcer, William Campbell, re-christened Sher Mohammad, who had been taken prisoner in a battle that Dost Mohammad Khan had waged against Shah Shuja' east of Kandahar, in 1834, had helped Sardar Mohammad Afzal Khan in organizing his army. All of these events influenced Amir Sher CAIi Khan to reconcile himself with his rebellious brother after their armies had fought inconclusively in Bajgah, in June 1864.
However, Sardar 'Abd al-Rahman Khan, the only son of Afzal Khan, worked against this arrangement because ' . he could not bring himself to see his father's legitimate right of succession the eldest son of Dost [Mohammad Khan] trampled.
V%ile [Sardar Mohammad] Afzal and the arnir were walking hand in hand in the shrine [of in Mazar] to endorse [the] peace, %4bd alRahman exposed his mala fide to arrest the king and shoot the crown prince (Sardar Mohammad (Ali Khan]. Sher was convinced that the father and the son had resolved to end the ruling house.5
The amir then seized his brother and took him to Kabul in custody, while the latter's son, Sardar CAbd al-Rahman, fearful for his life, had already escaped to Bukhara. In 1865 Amir Sher cAli Khan set out for Kandahar at the head of his army. At the time his younger full-brother, Sardar Mohammad Amin Khan, the governor of Kandahar, had rebelled, and, further, had occupied Kalat-e-Ghilzay. In the fighting that took place at Kajbaz in June 1865 the rebel governor, the crown prince, Sardar Mohammad 'Ali Khan, as well as many others were killed. The deaths were too much for the amir to bear, and losing all interest in world affairs he took refuge in the khirqa (the location of the reputed robe of the Prophet, Muhanmad) in Kandahar just as Shah Mahmud Hotak had become a recluse after his conquest of Persia, in 1722. Repeated pleas from offcials failed to move Amir Sher 'Ali Khan, and his opponents, led by Sardar Mohammad ACzam Khan and Sardar CAbd al-Rahman Khan, who had earlier fled to India and Bukhara respectively, proeeded toward Kabul and occupied it. They then helped the imprisoned
Ibid., 84. 5 Ibid., 87.
Sardar Mohammad Afzal Khan become amir in Kabul, in Niay 1866. Only then did Amir Sher CAli Khan leave the khirqa and dedicate himself to organizing an army. In a short time he succeeded in doing so, but his army suffered defeats in Sayyedabad in May 1866, in Muqur in January' 1867, and in Panjsher in September 1867 by the armies of his opponents. In the battle of Sayyedabad alone "the belligerents sustained casualties to the tune of eight thousand warriors."6 If true, this was indeed an enormous toll. Amir Sher 'Ali Khan retreated to Herat, and Amir Mohammad Afzal Khan died in October 1867. The latter was succeeded by his full-brother, Amir Mohammad Nzam Khan. Shcr 'Ali Khan, still did not resign, but instead he doubled his efforts in regaining the lost throne. His son, Sardar Mohammad Yatqub Khan (b. 1849), and several of his full-nephews helped him in his endeavor. However, his efforts to march on Kabul via Balkh failed, and he returned to Herat and planned to recover Kabul by way of Kandahar.
The first successful step in this recovery was taken by Sardar Mohammad Yacqub Khan, who expelled from Kandahar the sons of Amir Mohammad Atzam Khan who ruled over it despotically. Sher 'Ali followed his triumphant son and proceeded from Kandahar toward Kabul, engaging Amir Mohammad ACzam Khan in a batde near Ghazni. It was at this time that a few sardars in Kabul, tired of Amir Mohammad ACzam Khan's tyranny, occupied the capital ciw for Amir Sher 'Ali Khan. Having lost the capital city and failed in overcoming their opponent in military engagements Amir Mohammad ACzam Khan and Sardar CAbd al-Rahman Khan left Afghanistan once again. A'zarn Khan died on the way to Tehran, and Sardar 'Abd al-Rahman Khan took asylum in Samarqand where he as a Russian pensioner for eleven years. Sher 'Ali Khan entered Kabul on September 8, 1868 and began to rule as amir for the second time. 7
There were particular reasons why the sons and grandsons of Amir Dost Mohammad Khan fought among themselves. The amir had divided his kingdom among his sons, just as Timur Shah Durranay
6 Ibid., 92.
For the best account of the civil war, see Mawlawi Nur Ahmad Nuri, G'Lshane-Amaral, [The Garden of the Amirate], History Association, Kabul, 1334/1956. was a contemporary of Amir Sher 'Ali Khan.
had done earlier, and they, therefore, regarded themselves as autonomous rulers, subject only to their father. Each of these governors had his own military force, and the authority to collect taxes and send the surplus to Kabul after deducting his own expenses; and each ruled his prmince as he pleased, and consequently, each looked upon it as his own domain. Another serious problem was the lack of unity among Amir Dost Mohammad Khan's numerous sons, who were the progeny of many mothers of different ethnic background. Princes born of the same mother joined forces against their rival half-brothers, but sometimes even they fought against each other in disputes over inheritance and power.
The rivalries between those born of different mothers may be explained by the fact that full-brothers and half-brothers were brought up in different milieus under different tutors (talas). Also, in the competitive atmosphere of dynastic circles mothers in general, and cowives in particular, raised their sons with a view to making them manly, competitive, partisan, and contentious. Only with these qualities, as well as skill in horsemanship, was a prince able to compete effectively in the hard and unpredictable profession of politics. Rivalry was always present in the families of the sardars, among whom it 'c . . would start with the governors and pages and end up uöth their ladies." The rivalry and all that was connected with it 's. . . would then spread among the sardars and the sons of lesser nobles, resulting in ever growing feuds over power and inheritance. "8 However, competitiveness and rivalry were not confined to the families of the goveming sardars; they were characteristics of the Pashtuns among whom it was said that in the tribe you may not be without cousins, among cousins not without brothers, and among brothers not without sons. All this is due to the custom of åüburi or rivalry among paternal cousins that exists among them with force even to the present day.
The immediate causes of the civil war were personal. Sardar Mohammad Afzal and Sardar Mohammad ACzam felt that their father had wronged them by passing over them in the succession.
As the eldest sons of their father, they believed that it was their
- Tarzi, M. Rerninicences, "A Short History of an Era, 1869—1881," Trans from Persian into English by Wahid Tarzi, Unpublished manuxript, 4.
"natural and legal rights'" to succeed him, one after the other. They felt especially wronged since as governors, they had proved themselves to be able administrators and soldiers, though not as able as Amir Sher CAIi had been. They were, however, the sons of a provincial Pashtun mother, whereas Amir Sher cAli Khan was the son of a Sadozay mother, connected to the inner dynastic circle. This is not to suggest that the mother of Amir Sher cAli Khan had directly influenced the great amir in his decision. It is said that "Amir Dost Mohammad Khan was too strong a character to be swayed by the gust of love for woman. "10 Besides, "Sher CAIi's mother was too ugly to appeal to a man with aesthetic taste. "ll But the great amir had
. . stupendous regards for her" as she had been the mother of Wazir Mohammad Akbar Khan, the 'Liberator of Afghanistan. '12 By all accounts it was the astounding qualities of Sher CAM, which led his father away from the path of justice". 13 The unjust path, however, ". . . not only knocked the bottom out of his house, but opened a wide chasm in the fidelity and the faith of the people, which unfortunately still [as of 1948] endure[s] and emit[s] a nasty smell of a festering sore." 14 Thus, the death Of the great amir followed by a civil war as the death of Timur Shah Durranay (who had also shown a preference for his third son as his had been.
During the civil war many other sardars also played roles, since, by custom, each commanded contingents of private soldiers, enjoyed rent-free lands, and received allowances in return for military services in times of emergency. Some of these sardars, who had been deprÅed by the amir of many of their privileges, entered the war, as did tribal and community elders. However, during the entire period of this struggle, the triumphant Mohammadzay sardars did not treat their fallen rivals brutally as some of the triumphant Sadozay princes had done earlier, Nor did they treat harshly the sardars who had changed sides and by doing so had contributed to the prolongation of the war. With the one exception of the execution of a
- Efrndi, Royals and Royal Mendicant, 84. 'o Ibid., 85. Ibid. 12 Ibid. '3 Ibid.
Ibid., 84.
non-Mohammadzay general, Mohammad Raff Ludin, they only imprisoned or expelled their fallen opponents. Among a people whose high politics were associated with violence this was indeed an achievement. This was perhaps because the Mohammadzay sardars viewed the war as a dynastic struggle, and they considered the punishment they inflicted on their fallen opponents to be fitting for disloyalty to a member of their own dynasty, rather than to a ruler representing heaven, the fatherland, the people, or the state,
The Reforms
The civil war in Afghanistan coincided with the gigantic stride of Russia in Central Asia, as a result of which it became coterminous with Afghanistan for the first time. (See Chapter Eleven). Understandably, Amir Sher %Ali Khan feared that Afghanistan would be probably Russia's next target. To forestall this danger, he thed to consolidate his government at home and gain the support of the British Government of India.
First, on November 12, 1868, he ordered the expulsion under guard of Sayyed Jamal al-Din Afghani (1830s—1897) via Kandahar and Quetta to India, in opposition to his own desire to proceed to the Russian-dominated Bukhara. As an instigator of the Muslim world determined to oppose the European domination of the Muslim countries and working for the revival of Islam, Afghani advocated the Pan-Islamic movement as well as the overthrow of the Muslim absolutist rulers. However, Amir Sher CAIi Khan charged that this person has an object of his own in view," and consequently considered his continued residence in Afghanistan "to be full of hazard to the country."
Afghani had entered Herat in 1866, and since October 1867 had lodged at the Bala Hissar in Kabul. There, as a leading member of Amir Mohammad A'zam Khan's Privy Council he advised him "to follow an anti-British course." Apparently, he also intended to advise the new amir to follow a similar line. In the words of his biographer, "1t is plausible that Jamal al-Din, who had already evinced a strong hostility to the British, was simply trying to marshal 111 the persuasive power he could to turn the amir to an anti-British policy." However, this much was known that in addition to being an Anglophobe he was also a Russophile, and in response to his desire
CHAVI'E.R
for the conclusion of an alliance between "the Russian and Afghan Governments" Amir Sher 'Ali Khan had bluntly told him that "I perfectly know my neighbors, and am well acquainted with the circumstances Of the Russian Government; your further residence in this country is contrary to my pleasure. 15
Second and more importantly, early in 1869 the amir visited India omcially, and held meetings in Ambala with the governor-general and viceroy, Lnrd Mayo, who received him well, but did not share his fear of Russia. However, he granted him weapons, and the latter, in addition, brought back with him ". . . many Indian [Muslim] artisans and retired non-commissioned offcers of the Indian Army" as vsell as "scores of workers to train his forces and trim his subjects."16 Thus, it is clear that the reforms the amir introduced began during his visit to India, which
. . . convinced him that a primitive Afghanistan will scarcely expect to be treated on terms of equality by the two powerful neighbors, Russia and England, nor will she remotely command recognition and respect abroad.
The amir would openly say that all people are advancing in the arts of peace and civilization. It is we Afghans who remain the ignorant asses we have always been.
The amir's reforms had many dimensions, and the military attracted most of his attention. According to Effendi the amir dedicated
- Keddje, N., ad-Dim "al-Ughani", a-4 Political Biography, University Of Califomia Press, Berkeley, Inndon, 1972, 37, 58. Roy Mottahedeh has characterized the great instigator of the Muslim world in the following words: "He had a madrasah education both in Iran and Iraq. He also acquired training in ser-fan from an Iranian teacher and himself wrote a trcatise on Islamic mysticism. From then on he shifted from country to country and role to role in an attempt to revive Islam as a political force. At the court of the Ottoman emperor, the Egyptian khedive, in exile in Paris or British India Or czarist Russia he proved a tireless and fearless adopter Of roles and philosophies, to many of which he proved inconstant: he was at various times a Scottish freemason, a defender of Islam against European materialism, an advocate of parliamentary government within Islam, and an admirer of the messianic politics of the mahdi of the Sudan." The Mantle ofthe B@htt, Rtl*ion and Po&ics in Iran, Pantheon Books, New York, 1985, 183.
- Effendi, Royals and Royal Mendicant, 130. Ghobar, Mir Ghu]am Afohammad,
Afghanistan Dar WfzsiT-e-TariM [Ughanistan along the H&hway of Histoy, or A
Histor 'f4Vuzniftan], Kabul, 1967, 596. For a description of the workshops in Kabul where weapons were made in the reign of Amir Sher 'Ali Khan see Kakar, Goverrment and Society in Afghanistan, 193—194.
- F"ndi, Rya-Is Madiant, 130. , 129.
his life and soul" to the military and viewed it as a '•private religion". 19 Toward the end of his decade-long reign the amir had organized a large regular army. Thus, he became the first Afghan ruler to do so, while his predecessors had relied mainly on irregular army and the notables of the land. Based on the British model, the regular arn•y of 56,173 troops was grouped into 42 regiments of cavalry, 73 Of infantry, and 48 batteries.20 The British Supreme Commander, General Frederick Roberts, reporting from Kabul in 1879, stated the following:
Before the outbreak of hostilities last year [1878] the amir had raised and equipped with arms of precision, 68 regiments of infantry and 16 Of cavalry. The Afghan artillery amounted to nearly 300 guns. Numbers of skilled artisans were constantly employed in the manufacture of rifled Cannon and breach-loading small guns. More than a million pound of powder and, I believe, several million rounds of homemade snider ammunition, were in the Bala Hissar. Swords, helmets, uniforms and other articles of military equipment were stored in proportionate quantities. "21
The amir had turned Kabul into a military city where c'. . . shouts, marches and trumpets were heard everywhere. "22
Amir Sher CAIi also attempted to popularize the army by inducIng royal princes to serve it. He s'. . . enlisted Crown Prince 'Abd Allah to don the apron of a shoe-maker, while his favorite grandson Ahmad 'Ali would discharge his duty with a pair of scissors to be a good cutter of the soldiers uniforms."Z3 The amir would admonish the royal clan of the Mohammadzays to take to martial
Ibid., 135.
- Figures on the army of Amir Sher 'Ali Khan are many and at variance with each other. Those noted by J. Lambert are probably accurate, because he had compilcd them from the offcial pay rolls in Kabul whcn the British had occupied it in 1879. These I have cited in the text. Lambert, J. "Statement of the Revemue and Expenditure of Afghanistan, 1877—78," Pros. 1 886, Nos. 161—166, 1886,Forcign Departrnent, Secret-F, National Archives of India, New Delhi (Henceforth, NAI). Mahmud Tarzi's figures also tally with them when he states that . . the arny was organized into about 80 battalions of 800 soldiers," Reminiscences, 7.
- Roberts F., (from Kabul), to Alfred C. Lyall, Secretary to the Goverrment Of
India, 22 Nov. 1879, Political and Secret Letters and Enclosures Receved (in London) from India, (Henceforth PSI-I), vol. 23, p, 1579. India Offce Library,
London. Effendi, Royals and Royal Mendicant, 139.
- Tarzi, Reminiscences, 7.
- Effendi, Royals and Royal Mendicant, 137.
life and hard work, while to the aristocracy to cut off from ease and see hearth and home well protected".[1]3a However, the Mohammadzays and the aristocracy showed little interest in the military service.
In order to train in the science of war, the amir set up a military academy where mathematics, geography, map- reading and strategy were taught. The manuals of instruction were translated into Pashto in which words of command and military tides, as well as decrees were also issued. These words of command are still in use. Lingual reform became necessary as the Pashto—speaking Ghilzays and Wardaks, and their notables dominated the army, and held high civil and military posts. The amir regarded Persian as "borrowed feathers", and therefore felt that it was necessary to replace it with Pashto, the language of the overvvhelming majority.
During this period, the large tract of Pashtun land up to Peshawar was still a part of Afghanistan. According to Effendi, "Soon the grateful monarch found himself in a position to claim Pashto, to bc the national language of his countrymen."24 The reform was well received, since the Pashtuns constituted the great majority of the population, members of the dynasty still spoke Pashto, and the Persian-dominatcd bureaucracy was only limited. QAZi %Abd al-Qadir (Yusufzay), known as Qazi Wro, whom the amir had brought with him from Peshawar assisted him in his reforms. A competent tradesman, wellversed in Pashto, English, Urdu and Persian and privy to the innermost circle of the Afghan court, Qazi Qadiro "would always point out the path of progress to his powerful master." Through his devotion and skill he "had so won his master's mind that he sat safe against attackers. 'V2S In 1876 The Qazi had even supervised the enumcration of the residents of the city of Kabul, which then had a population of 140,700 men and women. To author Abdul Q9dir Effendi, Qazi Qadiro was "a genius." Contrary to the assertion Of some scholars it was not Jamal al-Din Afghani, but who had advised the amir to introduce the reforms.
Military service was for life on a voluntary basis26 and soldiers were paid in cash instead of by drafts (barat) which had been the
Ibid.
practice previously.27 The military expcnditurc strained thc cconomy, since out of the yearly income Of over thirteen million Kabuli rupccs over five-and-a-half million (or nearly forty-three percent) were event on the army2H The military expenses madc it neccssary for thc amir to revamp the system of taxation.
Information on the overall system of taxation is not available. However, reports on certain districts indicate that the revenuc on land was assessed either on the basis of se-kol [one-third] or jam' bitst [assessment on a tribal communi5']. Under the former system, thc government took one-third of the produce, and this was usually farmed out, while under the latter a fixed lighter amount Was assessed. Thc rate of revcnuc on the statc land (khalisa) was, of course, highcr. r• For rcvenuc purposes, districts were classified on ethnic lines. Various other types of taxes were also imposed, as was the custom duty of' two-and-a half percent on the original price of merchandises. Further, occasionally additional taxes were also levied. In 1878, when the amir believed that Afghanistan was threatened by foreign powers, he levied four Kabuli rupees on cach male to strengthen the army. This led to general and eroded the good will that the amir had caused to generate when he had abolished payment of land revenue by landowners and various other types of taxes collected three months in advance of the actual produce taken from the land.31
Meanwhile, the amir took some austerity measures, and even decreased the allowances of the royal household including those of his wives so that "every. penny saved would go to strengthen thc country's defense, which was that patriotic sovereign's one and only desire."32 Through this and othei measures the budget, which was in deficit in the first years of the amir's rule" remained in urplus towards the closing years of his reign." State revenue was then
- n Sykes, Sir Percy, A of I-ondon, 2, 78. Ghobar, 594.
28 Lambert, %tatement of the Revenue," 7.
- B Hastings, Major, "A Short Account of thc Ghazni 4, PSLI, 26, Pt. 3, 358.
Fayz Mohammad, al-Tauu'W1, Hutorwl, Kabul, vol 3, 339.
Nuri, (hdshan-t-Amaral, 186.
Effendi, Royals and Royal A-fadia_nl, 134.
Fayz Mohammad, Sir• 336.
34 Iamtrrt, "Statement of Rcvcnuc," 7. Ihc total surplus the year 1877-78 was I Kabuli rupees.
increased by over five million Kabuli rupees from the annual total at the end of the reign of Amir Dost NIohAmmad Khan. In thc latter•s reign state revenue was eight rHllion Kabuli rupees.
Amir Sher C AIi Khan also emisaged opening a naval base to deliver the country from isolation and lay the ground fv prosperity:
He made neither a mistake nor a secret of his cherished ambition to have Gawadir, the forlom harbor of southern Baluchistan, on the entrance to the Persian Gulf, for a naval base, where-from his strong, small but smart navy should proudly emerge. to show his royal standard of the head of the Bengal tiger, on a crimson background, to all countries and al] climes.Ni
At the time Baluchistan was a part of Afghanistan.
The amir also introduced administrative reforms by setting up a twelve-member state council composed of civic leaders and military offcers, whom he himself selected.37 After Ahmad Shah Durranay, Amir Sher cAli was the first Afghan ruler to do so, but his council was only consultative. Additionally, although the council was devised to be permanent38 toward the latter years of his reign it was not heard of. Instead, the amir acted in consultation with a few trusted advisers from the royal court and the branch of government the latter of which he had enlarged in 1873 on the occasion of the festivities that were held that year in honor of the official nomination of his younger son, Sardar 'Abd Allah Jan, as heir apparent.
Also on the occasion of the offcial nomination, Amir Sher 'Ali pronuied offcials to ministerial positions with prestigious titles, in Pashto Nur Mohammad Shah Foshanji as loy mukhtar (prime minister), Asmat Allah Khan Ghilzay as loy mayan de ghro mulk (minister of home affairs), Aersala Khan Ghilzay as loy mayan de baunday (minister of foreign affairs), Habib Allah Khan Wardak as loy mulk (minister of finance), Hussayn 'Ali Khan as tol mishr (minister of war), Ahmad 'Ali Khan Timuri as loy tolawunay (minister of treasury), and Mohammad Hassan Khan (Qizilbash) as loy kishil (chief secretary to the amir). The amir adopted the title of Assistant to the Religion (Mdin "I-Din) for himself.39 No one from the royal dynasty was made
's Ghobar, Afghanistan Dar Masir-tTtarikh, 575.
- Effendi, Royals and Royal Mendüant, 135.
- Nun, Gulshan-e-Amarat, 186.
- Ghobar, Ughaniskm Dar Masir-e-TaÅkh, 595.
- Riyazi, 'Ayn al-Waqayi e [Events Observed] in Kglhyat-e-Rbazi (in Persian) [ne
a member of the ministerial cabinet, and the amir gave full %right to the principle of personal qualification. The standing army enabled him to do so as it freed him from traditional dependence on the Alohammadzay sardars as well as the magnates. The system worked, and during the critical days before and after the amir's death some of these officials, especially Prime Minister Nur Mohammad Khan Foshanji and Mustaufi Habib Allah Wardak, distinguished themselves-40
Out of "expediency" the amir did not abolish polygamy, but he would exercise his full powers, to secure her [widow] the freedom of [re] marriage and the guardianship of her brood [sic] from her deceased husband. . , . Polygamy had made I-Te intolerable to the pa.rties concerned, and would cultivate antagonism from generation to generation. "0
Also, out of "expediency" the amir did nothing to abolish slavery even though both men and women "would be bought and sold like so many chattels, to perform [domestic duties] and labor under shocking conditions." In particular, "The slave-girls would satiate the lust of their masters, to be mercilessly punished by their jealous mistresses. "42 However, slavery was practiced on a small scale in Afghanistan.
Other measures included the establishment of postal services, the building of the Sherpur (also Sher Abad) cantonmept, and the setting up of a lithographic printing press in which Shams al-Nahar, the first official periodical in Afghanistan, was published. Coins were issued bearing the verses: "By the favor of the Eternal Creator, the money of Sher 'Ali has found circulation", and 'Through the abundant kindness of the Beneficent King of Heaven, Amir Sher 'Ali coined money like the bright, full rhoon."43 Previously, coins bore the names of rulers with anonymous titles such as sahib-e-zaman (lord of the age) or Sahib-e-mulk (lord of the land). Also, important was the use of the word "Afghan" on his coins.44 Additionally, for the first
Collected Works Of RiyazO, Mashhad, 1904, 173. Ghobar, Afghanistan Lkr e-TaHkh, 595. Rishtia, Ughanistan Dar @m-e-Nuzdah [Afghanistan in the Nineteenth Century] 273.
40 Riyazi, al-Waqgyzt, 173. Ghobar, Ughanistan Dar 595. Fayz Mohammad, al-Tauuikh, 332.
Effendi, Royals and Royal Mendicant, 133. 42 Ibid
Gulzad, Zalmay A, B&rnal and he mvelopmeni of åe ,4fgh.an _Mnetænth Century, Peter Lang, New York, San Fransisco, 1994, 70. 44 Ibid.
time the government opened a school along with a military academy. The schools were, or course, in addition to the madrasas (traditional seminaries) which had existed in Afghanistan since the time Of Emperor Sultan Xlahmud Of Ghazna, in the eleventh century.
lien after it had been reformed the government was still unable to rule directly over the entire country. It controlled only cities, towns and their dependencies as well as those areas where contingents of troops were stationed. Tribal communities, especially those of the frontier regions, remained self-administered as before, and their affairs werc settled by elders mainly through jirgas in accord with the Sharita and Pashtunwadi (Pashtun code Of behavior). In cases in which disputes between individuals and tribes were unsettled the conflicting parties often resorted to violence. Thus, in these rural autonomous comrnunities anarchy and order co-existed, and the government intervened only when general order was disrupted.
In the new state that emerged from these reforms the most important force was the amir himself. History, social conventions and Islam sanctioned allegiance to him, but the ties between him and his subjects were still personal in character rather than institutional. Thus, allegiance to his •successor was not automatically transferred; rather, the successor had to command it, and the moment the reigning amir disappeared for whatever reason, powerful forces were ready to assert themselves. Among these forces, personal ambition was the most important, while the forces of regionalism and tribalism were still strong against which centralism and modernism had begun to operate on a large scale for the first time. As previously noted, the most important instrument of power in the hands of the government was the army. However, the army itself was organized along tribal and regional lines. Even cistlicts were organized in this way. Likewise names which referred to region and ethnicity such as Kandaharay, Heratay, Tajik, Wardak and so forth, were %idespread and emotionally charged.
Amir Sher 'Ali Khan was the first Afghan ruler to organize (or reorganize) the state or more specifically the government along relatively modern lines. He started an extremely important movement, which his successors strengthened. It is then fitting to describe him an enlightened and a visionary ruler, and dso relate him to the 'beginnings of a new Afghanistan", as some historians have done."
- s Gregorian, Vartan, Stanford University Pres. 1968, 93.
:ALJ
The Sons against 'he Father
Despitc his successful reforms' Amir Sher 'Ali experienced serious problems with his two eldest sons: Sardar Mohammad Ya'qub Khan (b. 1849) and Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan (b. 1858): As previously noted, in 1873, the amir nominated his minor son, Sardar 'Abd Allah Jan (b. 1866) as heir-apparent in a grand ceremony. By doing so, he provoked his eldest sons, and demonstrated that he was unable to run his family affairs smoothly.
Amir Sher CAIi's troubles have been traced -to his unequal treatment of his wives, and the recalcitrance of Sardar Mohammad Yazqub Khan. The amir favored the mother of the heir apparent to the mother of Sardar Mohammad Ya'qub Khan, and he had proviied the former with five hundred Kabuli rupees a month as allowance, while the same amount was provided for the latter for the whole year "because of the rebellions of her sons."" However, Effendi states that his grandfather was a S'misogynist" and that the reason he bypassed his eldest son was due to his 'Svindictiveness." However, whilc the amir may have been a "misogynist" as Effendi claims he was still open to the influence of the mother of heir-apparent. This may have been due to the fact that she was a woman of the dynasty, whereas Qamar Jan, the mother of Sardar Mohsammad Ya'qub and Sardar Mohammad Ayyub, was the daughter of Saiadat Khan, the Khan of the frontier tribe of Mohmand.
Further, Effehdi also states that in Herat Ya'qub Khari had accorded a "rude reception [to] his fugitive father", and that later in Kabul he had associated himself with a party, known as "Yakubzais", which had, for its purpose, the unseating of his father. He describes the situation thus:
A party hostile to the amir for their [sic] ends, was secretly forming under the intriguer Bahadur Khan Kabuli, with the grandiose tide Of Yakubzais. Bahadur had earrnarked premiership with dictatorial pov•fr ers for himself while his lieutenant Shahpisand Khan Barakzai was appeased to be the commander-in-chief Of the Afghan army. Yakub was to be a mere puppet while Shere Ali had either to end [his] days as a blind prisoner in jail or be banished from hearth and hone.""
+6 Effendi, Royals and Royal •MendeanLs, 134. Ibid., 107.
'I'he intrigue surfaced when Sardar -Mohammad Ya'qub Khan "set ow for rebellion at the head of six thousand irregular horse", warning his father with a bluff that "he would raise piles of skulls of the dead if he was pursued" while he was on his way to Herat of which prmincc he took control after some vicissitudes."
Surprisingly, after his brother, Mohammad Ayyub joined him in Herat, Nlohammad Ya'qub Khan reappeared in Kabul and sought a pardon, which his father granted him and sent him back to his post in Herat. The amir, thus, pardoned him, but had lost hope in him to succeed him. In 1873, the amir bypßsed• him as well as his full-brother, and nominated his seven-year-old son, Sardar 'Abd Allah Jan, as his heir—apparent (wali'ahd). According to Effendi, "Yakub again kicked his traces", but the amir "immediately summoned [him] to account for his misdeeds, which had become too much to tolerate, "49 On the condition that he would not be "molested" which the amir apparently granted, Mohammad Ya'qub Khan appeared before his father yet again, but this time he was detained "in solitary confinement in the rdyal palace. "50 The amir did so because he also suspected him of making "Herat an independent principality under the protection Of Persia. "51 Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan fled to Mashhad in Persia. Thus, the amir got rid of his troublesome sons, but he also deprived himself as well as the country of the services of the most able and dynamic members of his house.
" Ibid, 108. 49 Ibid., 112. ibid.
160
CHAPTER •nvo
THE BRITISH AFC,HXX WAR AND THE ACCESSION OF AMIR 'ABD AL-RAHMAN KHAN
Prelude to I Var
After Lord Edward Robert L B. Lytton assumed power as governor-general and viceroy in India, in 1876, Indo-Afghan relations worsened. Lord Lytton came to India with explicit instructions to deal with Afghanistan in line Mith the aims of the 'Forward Policy' that will soon be described. In India "Lytton won the grudging support of his Council and set in motion a diplomatic policy toward the Amir Sher CAIi [which] he knew could only culminate in the Indian army's advance into Afghan territory. "l This subject has been described in Chapter Ten. In order to obviate the assumed Russian advance on India via Afghanistan, Lord Lytton formulated a policy the purpose of which was to establish actual control over Afghanistan. This required a military advancc on Afghanistan similar to thc one that his rcmote predecessor, Lord Auckland, had undertaken forty years earlicr. As a result of that invasion the British had lost almost an entire army, but Lord Lytton was not deterred by that defeat. Instead, he made a strenuous effort to implement the new Forward Policy the advocates of which
. belie•.ed not only that England had no choice but to meet this Russian challenge, but that there was an implicit obligation in the Administration Of the Indian subcontinent to extend that form of government to the numerous fragmented tribal groups who would be the ultimate beneficiaries of European values and civilization.
In reality, the notion of the importation of "European values and civilization" was a screen for expansion and domination. Afghanistan had a history that extended back thousands of years, and the country
I Trousdale, W., Introduction, in War in Afghanistan, 49. This topic is discussed in
Chapter Ten.
2 48.
already possessed a rich culture, including the attributes of Islamic ciGlization. Further, under Amir Sher %Ali Khan a central government had been* instituted on modern lines. (See Chapter One). As William Trousdale states:
For most of the Forward Policy believers, the Scientific Frontier was a tempocary screen for their real aim. If the [British] government would support annexation Of the southem half of Afghanistan [Kandahar and Herat] it would in timc tolerate annexation of the whole.3
To reach this goal, Lytton took certain steps, among them, the occupation of the city of Quetta, as part of a treaty, which India concluded with the Khan of Qalat in Baluchistan, a feudatory of Afghanistan, in 1876. The viceroy was vvilling to conclude an offensive and defensive treaty with Amir Sher Ali Khan, provided he placed his external relations under him, and accepted British offcers stationed around the frontiers of his country. In return, Lytton was willing to offcially recognize the young heir-designate, CAbd Allah Jan, and thus ensure the amir's dynastic rule. Since Lytton's proposal was meant to turn the independent country of Afghanistan into the protectorate of the British, whom the Afghans considered "infidels", the amir did not accept the proposal, and a stalemate prevailed over Indo-Afghan. relations.
At this juncture General Constantine P. von Kauffmann, Russia's governor-general in Tashkand, forced a mission Of his own, under the command of General Stolietoff on the amir. After its arrival in Kabul in the summer of 1878, the mission was said to have concluded a defensive and offensive treaty with him. However, the real purpose of the mission was for Russia to embroil the British in Afghanistan, so hoping that the latter would recall the Indian troops that they had sent to Malta in support of the Ottomans, with whom Russia was then at war.
The Second Anglo-Afghan War
The Kaufmann scheme succeeded, and this provided an excuse for Lytton to force his own mission under Neville Chamberlain. However, when the Afghans blocked the mission's entry at the Khyber Pass,
3 49
THE BRITISH AFGHAN WAR 27
he declared war on Afghanistan, on November 21, 1878. The Second British War with Afghanistan began as simple as that. Three columns of the British army overran some frontier cities and districts on their way to Kabul, Kandahar, and Jalalabad in the first phase of the Second British Afghan War or the Second Afghan War, as the British sources describe it.'
Amir Sher 'Ali Khan did not opt to fight the invaders with his own army, telling his people "1 am leaving in order to unite with the Russians and acquire financial and military assistance so that I may return to avenge myself." He also said that "The British have not accepted our right to freedom and independence, and want us in captivity. "5 After touring the city, and while he had already sent "the families, luggage and the multitudes of soldiers" he left for Mazar in the north of the country to seek the help of Russia. Surprisingly, Kauffnann refused to extend Russia's assistance, instead advising the amir to come to terms with the British, and even refused him entry into his domain. Russia had duped Amir Sher cAli Khan. He remained in Mazar where because of c'. . . his chronic ailments of gout and tuberculosis, which for years had obliged him to move around in his special litter, suddenly recurred with such severity that" he died on February 21, 1879.6
Before his departure for Mazar Amir Sher 'Ali Khan had, as requested by the courtiers, released Sardar Mohammad Ya'qub Khan from prison arid introduced him to a specially convened darbar (court) 'Cin regal uniforrn as regent." The young heir-designate, %Abd Allah
Jan, had already died. Following Amir Sher 'Ali Khan's death, Mohammad Ya'qub Khan became amir, in Kabul. However, he was no longer the enterprising man that he had been. His imprisnment (1874—1878) had taken its toll and he had become "all pale with poor eyesight and no strength to walk straight."7 Additionally, he had dynasdc rivals, each of whom had a faction of his own. Weakened
Among the many books dealing with the Second Anglo-Afghan War those that describe it in detail are Kakar, M. H., Jag-e-Dotoom afghan-Egli$, (Penian) [77u Wc], The Nadonal Islamic Front Of Afghanistan, Peshawar, 1989. Forbes, A, Tie "han Wars, I-andon, 1892. Hanna, H. B. The '(than War, 1878-79, 3 vols. Imdon, 1899-1910. Hensrnan, H., wr 41879-80, London, 1881.
- Tarzi, Remini_rences, 6.
- Ibid
Kakar, lave-mt.om-t-4fghan-Englis, 41.
by imprisonment, and also fearing that his rivals would outbid him in dealing the British, he accepted the advice of his "pro-British" companions who "would say to him that it is all over; you must surrender to the British so that at least, as the amir, you may continue in luxury and succcss."8 He then accepted Lytton's demands by concluding a treaty with Major Pierre Louis N. Cavagnari, an envoy of the British government of India, on May 26, 1879.
The treaty was concluded in a British military camp in the Safed Sang village in Gandumak, in eastern Afghanistan, where the last troops of the British army retreating from Kabul had perished, in 1842. Its main points were the control of Afghanistan's external relations by the British, and the stationing of British officers in Afghanistan. The British were also to control the Khyber Pass and Michni Pass, and, for only administrative purposes, British India, was assigned the populous districts of Kurma (Kurram), Pishin and Sibi. All of these concesions were made in return for British support against foreign aggression on Afghanistan, plus a small subsidy and a promise of non-interference in the internal affairs of thc country.
Since the treaty had made the 'infidels' preponderant in Afghanistan and transformed the country's ruler into their vassal, it was bound to turn most Afghans against it even though there were some who ''[i]n their sectarianism, preferred non-Muslims to' Sunnis." They were mostly the Shifi Qizilbzshes, who lived in Chindawal, a distinct quarter in the city, protected by strong walls and a moat.9 This explains why the amir did not •make the treaty public, and why he disclosed its contents to only a few Of his courtiers. The author D. P. Singhal, in his book, India and Ughanistan, 1876—1907, states that the aim of the treaty was to reduce Afghanistan into principalities. This does not seem •to be the case, since the treaty had no provision by which to split Afghanistan. Actually, Lytton intended to rule Afghanistan through the amir as he hoped that his power would gradually be transferred to the British envoy. "Il In this way, the country was
- Tarzi, Reminiscences, 7.
- Ibid, 11.
- Singh], D. P. India #ani.stan, 1876—1907, A in Diploma-tx
The Univcrsity of Queensland Press, Australia, 1971, 46. Based mainly on omcial records of the British Government of India, this is a specialized and highly mendable book. It covers the external relations of Afghanistan during the reigns of Amir Shel 'Ali Khan and Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan. l ' Ibid., 49.
28
by imprisonment, and also fearing that his rivals would outbid him in dealing the British, he accepted the advice of his "pro-British" companions who "would say to him that it is all over; you must surrender to the British so that at least, as the amir, you may continue in luxury and succcss."8 He then accepted Lytton's demands by concluding a treaty with Major Pierre Louis N. Cavagnari, an envoy of the British government of India, on May 26, 1879.
The treaty was concluded in a British military camp in the Safed Sang village in Gandumak, in eastern Afghanistan, where the last troops of the British army retreating from Kabul had perished, in 1842. Its main points were the control of Afghanistan's external relations by the British, and the stationing of British officers in Afghanistan. The British were also to control the Khyber Pass and Michni Pass, and, for only administrative purposes, British India, was assigned the populous districts of Kurma (Kurram), Pishin and Sibi. All of these concesions were made in return for British support against foreign aggression on Afghanistan, plus a small subsidy and a promise of non-interference in the internal affairs of thc country.
Since the treaty had made the 'infidels' preponderant in Afghanistan and transformed the country's ruler into their vassal, it was bound to turn most Afghans against it even though there were some who ''[i]n their sectarianism, preferred non-Muslims to' Sunnis." They were mostly the Shifi Qizilbzshes, who lived in Chindawal, a distinct quarter in the city, protected by strong walls and a moat.9 This explains why the amir did not •make the treaty public, and why he disclosed its contents to only a few Of his courtiers. The author D. P. Singhal, in his book, India and Ughanistan, 1876—1907, states that the aim of the treaty was to reduce Afghanistan into principalities. This does not seem •to be the case, since the treaty had no provision by which to split Afghanistan. Actually, Lytton intended to rule Afghanistan through the amir as he hoped that his power would gradually be transferred to the British envoy. "Il In this way, the country was
- Tarzi, Reminiscences, 7.
- Ibid, 11.
- Singh], D. P. India #ani.stan, 1876—1907, A in Diploma-tx
The Univcrsity of Queensland Press, Australia, 1971, 46. Based mainly on omcial records of the British Government of India, this is a specialized and highly mendable book. It covers the external relations of Afghanistan during the reigns of Amir Shel 'Ali Khan and Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan. l ' Ibid., 49.
war. They occupied the city of Kabul in early October after Afghan warriors unsuccessfully resisted them in Char Asia. Fearing humiliation in front of his rivals for his failure to save his British allies, the amir was said to have offered his resignation to General Frederick Roberts, Supreme Commander of the occupying forces in Kabul." Later in India, Ya'qub Khan claimed that he had been unjustly forced to resign, and that Britain had no right to force him to do so. 15 While it is true that the British did not have the right to force the amir to resign, they had the might to do so. At first they kept the amir in custody pending a decision on his fate, but it was soon clear that he had become a prisoner. As Sir Charles M. MacGregor, Chief of Staff of the British forces in Kabul, notes in his War in Ughanistan, 1879—80 "Had meant to examine thc amir tomorrow, but Bobs [Roberts] said we had better not awhile, as he might look as if he was a prisoner, which he Further, the amir himself . complained of having been made a prisoner and being badly treated "17 The British also detained some senior offcials except for General Dawud Shah, the Commander-in-Chief, who tried to save the lives of the British.
On October 12th, Roberts held a public darbar in Kabul. There, in the presence of some pro-British Mohammadzay sardars, he proclaimed that, as the chief civil and military administrator, he had appointed Major General Sir James Hill-Jones as the military governor of Kabul, and a few sardars as governors of provinces. Among them were Sardar Wali Mohammad Khan and Sardar Mohammad Hassan Khan, who were proclaimed as the governors of Turkestan and Maidan respectively. Both were brothers of the late Amir Sher 'Ali Khan.
-me takeover of the government and the brutal punishment of those who had been implicated or assumed to be involved in the destruction of the embassy created the impression that the British intended to stay in Afghanistan, and rule the country. While there
14 According to Riyazi, Roberts imprisoned Mohammad Yacqub Khan, and comrlled him to resign. gyn al-Waqyie, 188.
Kakar, jag-e-Lhuom-e-4&-Eglis, 76.
- MacGregor, Way
- Roberts, F., Siah Sang, Kabul, 9 Oct. 1879, 9 (909), Diqatche frm•n the
Government of India Containing a Statement Of the Cases Tried before the Military Commision, I.ondon, 1880
is no official policy pronouncement to confirm this, the British officials in Kabul behaved as if it was actually the case. MacGregor for one is explicit about it in the following passage,
. under the present juncture of affairs, the thing to do is to say to the Afghans. You shall give in, you have killed Cavi[gnari], and his 100 men, but we are sending another representative with 10,000 men, and he shall stay there whether you like it or not. We wish one thing from you, and that is friendship, but whether we get this Or not, we will have your obedience, you may chafe as much as you please, but we will be your masters, and you will find that the only escape from our heavy hand will be your entire submission. lB
Next, Roberts arranged for the execution of those had been implicated or assumed implicated in the destruction Of the embassy. In his own words: "Every soldier and civilian who took part in the massacre of the British Embassy on the 3rd of September last will be executed."19 It was, of course, impossible for him to execute all of those who had participated in the massacre, but about those who were apprehended he gave an order that the prisoners were to be tried and hung. "Z0 The word "hung" indicates that Roberts had already decided to hang all those who were caught whether tried or not. This and other similar actions led MacGregor to conclude that Bob is the most bloodthirsty beast I know."21 Roberts' order made the political commission that had been set up to determine who had taken part in the massacre almost meaningless. However, some offcials, including MacGregor, saved the lives of a few Afghans who would otherwise have been.
AS an alien •non-Muslim military' despot, Roberts had a logic of his own which was to employ force in order to intimidate the Afghans into submission and also to inflict revenge. Even as early as Scptcmbcr 14th, which was about a month before his arrival in Kabul, he had decided to do so. At that time, writing from Ali Khel to General Baker, he stated the following:
Until we have proof that any soldiers actively befriended the Embassy, we must consider all as belonging to the one lot, and, get rid Of them,
MacGregor, in A*anistan, 77.
19 Roberts, Siah Sang, Kabul, 9 Oct 1879, 9 (909), Dispatches from the Covemment of India containing a Statement of the Cases Tried before the Military Commision, London, 1880.
MacGregor, War in 4Éhanisun, I I I. n Ibid.
-rvvo
whether their regiments were in Kabul or not—for soldiers caught ',v.th arms in the field trial is unnecessary. A bullet will do if you are pressed for time otherwise hanging, qhich does not waste ammunition.
This was why, according to Trousdale the 's . . . vengeful hangings at Kabul were far more indiscriminate than Roberts cared to admit." Also, MacGregor knew that innocent and guilty alike were hanged in that autumn of retribution, that the military tribunal was a sham. "23 He also states that he "[flound that men were being simply murdered under name ofjustice," 24 and that Roberts has shot some 6 men alrtady in cold blood." Further, MacGregor states that "1 have saved three fron his clutches already. "25 According to an omcial report, eightynine suspected persons, including Mohammad Aslam Khan, chief of the security forces Kabul Kotwal), and those who had shot some Qizilbashes for their cooperation with the British were hanged. 26 But Hayat Khan, an Indian Muslim member of the commission, has been quoted as saying that 1 70 men were hung and that 70 of them y«ere for fighting against us.
It appears that Roberts resorted to brutal punishment because, according to MacGregor, as a 'favorite of fortune" he s' was like an activeflea, and jumped whichever way the Viceroy ordered. "28 Lytton had instructed him that
[f]or such a crime the whole Afghan nation should be held responsible, and that the punishment for such an act should be inflicted not only on the Afghan nation, but also on every individual who had taken part in the event. 29
While it appears that Roberts was simply carrymg out the Instructions of his superior, in reality he himself held a similar view even before he received Lytton's instructions: Lytton's instructions were datcd September 29th, while Roberts had already—made up his mind about the punishment by September 14th, as previously noted.
n Roberls quoted in MacGregor, War in Afghanistan, n.' 167.
23 Trousdale, Introduction in War in .'@hanistan, 60. 24 MacGregor, War in Ughanistam, 1 12. Ibid., 101.
'x Robert, Siah Sang, Kabul, 9 Oct. 1879. 5 (905), Di9atches from the Govemment of India Containing a of the Cases Tried before the Military Commission, London, 1880.
27 MacGregor, War Ughanistan, 192. a Ibid., 171.
29 Kakar, jang-e-Dowom-e-Åfghan-Engäs, 79.
The instructions strengthened him still further in his resolve, since hc then committcd excesses in affecting the killing of so many Afghans that of this outraged the liberal press in India, as yell as England. Fredrick Harrison argued that the punishments were illegal and unlawful for the simple rcason that people can not be considercd guilty for defending their country.•u) The public in Britain was also outraged and this in part contributed to the defeat of the government in the general election that was held later, in April 1880.
The executions were followed by the deportation to India of the amir, and his principal ad\isers, among them Sardar Yahya Khan (the amir's father-in-law), Shah Mohammad Khan, Minister of External Affairs; and Sardar Zakria Khan. Only Mustaufi Habib Allah Wardak (b. 1828), the minister of financial affairs was not deported, but was left in Kabul because the authority needed his skills in administrative and financial affairs. In addition, in Kabul, the family of the deported amir was placed under house arrest. Also, MacGregor "[g]ot orders out for the occupation of the Sherpur Cantonment and the destruction of the Bala Hisar. "ll
The Bala Hissar citadel, which was the seat of Afghan rulers after 1 776, had been the scene of an explosion in which some Gorkha soldiers were killed on October 16th. Afterward, the British destroyed it because Cavagnari and others had been massacred there, and because MacGregor believed that it would be difficult to guard after the army moved to the Sherpur Cantonment. The well-cultivated Cantonment had water ducts running through it, large halls, broad verandas, and substantial gateways, and it could accommodate over twenty thousand men. 32 The destruction of the Bala Hissar, which was associated with the glory of the kingdom, contributed even more to the anger of the people.
The Ughan Response
The takeover of the administration, the brutal punishments, the deportation and the house arrest of the amir's family aroused the
Sunni population of the regions around Kabul to action. They believed
Ibid., 81.
31 MacGregor, War in Afghanistan, 110. 32 Ibid., 103.
33
The instructions strengthened him still further in his resolve, since hc then committcd excesses in affecting the killing of so many Afghans that of this outraged the liberal press in India, as yell as England. Fredrick Harrison argued that the punishments were illegal and unlawful for the simple rcason that people can not be considercd guilty for defending their country.•u) The public in Britain was also outraged and this in part contributed to the defeat of the government in the general election that was held later, in April 1880.
The executions were followed by the deportation to India of the amir, and his principal ad\isers, among them Sardar Yahya Khan (the amir's father-in-law), Shah Mohammad Khan, Minister of External Affairs; and Sardar Zakria Khan. Only Mustaufi Habib Allah Wardak (b. 1828), the minister of financial affairs was not deported, but was left in Kabul because the authority needed his skills in administrative and financial affairs. In addition, in Kabul, the family of the deported amir was placed under house arrest. Also, MacGregor "[g]ot orders out for the occupation of the Sherpur Cantonment and the destruction of the Bala Hisar. "ll
The Bala Hissar citadel, which was the seat of Afghan rulers after 1 776, had been the scene of an explosion in which some Gorkha soldiers were killed on October 16th. Afterward, the British destroyed it because Cavagnari and others had been massacred there, and because MacGregor believed that it would be difficult to guard after the army moved to the Sherpur Cantonment. The well-cultivated Cantonment had water ducts running through it, large halls, broad verandas, and substantial gateways, and it could accommodate over twenty thousand men. 32 The destruction of the Bala Hissar, which was associated with the glory of the kingdom, contributed even more to the anger of the people.
The Ughan Response
The takeover of the administration, the brutal punishments, the deportation and the house arrest of the amir's family aroused the
Sunni population of the regions around Kabul to action. They believed
Ibid., 81.
- MacGregor, War in Afghanistan, 110.
- ,
general retreat. 36 This is a scapegoat view of history. A more likely explanation for this is that after they restored Kabul the Afghans preferred to loot the quarters of the pro-British Qizilbashes, the Hindus" and the houses of the rich pro-British Mohammadzay sardars to defeating the invaders. 38
For ten days the insurgents left the besieged army almost unmolested, even though it was vulnerable at the time. Only General Mohammad Jan Wardak proposed to the besieged General Frederick Roberts that the British evacuate Afghanistan, and surrender their weapons,39 presumably in return for a safe passage. The proposal was similar to the one that Sardar Mohammad Akbar Khan had made to the besieged British army in Kabul forty years earlier. However, while Mohammad Akbar Khan had succeeded in his plan, Mohammad Jan Wardak did not. His proposal as well as the delay gave Roberts and his offcers time to fortify their position. On December 23, 1879, the Afghan warriors, who were either unarmed or lightly armed,40 assaulted the besieged army but failed to overcome it. The British soldiers, whose officers were informed Of the planned attack in advance, drove them away by their counter-shelling fired from superior artillery and rifles.41 Ultimately, the cold, the shortage of provisions, and the lack of a unified command contributed to the retreat. More importantly, as MacGregor has noted the Afghan power is a good deal broken and we have got most of their arrns and ammunition and nearly all their guns.''42 It was,
Ghobar, "hanütan Ihr Masir-e-Tarüh, 630. Rishtia, S. Q. Afghanistan Dar Qarn-e-Nuzdah, 253.
Forbes, The "han Wars, 255.
Riyazi, 'Ayn al-Waqayit 190.
39 Hensman, Afghan War Of 1879—80, 245.
- o Ibid., 248.
Riyazi, 'Ayn al-Waggyi% 190. Fayz Mohamrnad, [The lamp of Histories] vol. l, Kabul, 1915, 358.
MacGregor, Wc I I l. For details and d&rent verionl Of the campaigns see Ghobar, Afghanistan Ma*-t-Tari", 623—633. alWaqgi' 186-193; Hcnsman, wr of 1879-80, 218-259; Hanna, ne &tnd War, I I I , 168—25; Was, 202—265; and Kakar,
90— 105.
Fayz Mohammad alleges l, 358) that during the ani-Bridsh campaigu, General Mohammad Jan Wardak accepted a bribe from the
This is not true. In the first place, 1 have found no such a refererre eith« in the unpubbshed or published C&ial -rcccn•ds. In plue, such sation can not be Gue becaur Wardak was the of the campaigns and for this the people revered him as a saint and a hero. He is the first
a defeat. •r intermittently,
KandaharJ in August have been described bulk of the Afghan as their temporary center after they drove away from there the Hazaras who had occupied it at the instigation of General Roberts, when he and his army were besieged in Sherpur. Represented by the Ghazni Party or the National Party, as it was referred to in the British omcial reports, they chose Sardar Musa Jan, a young son of the exiled amir, as the new amir. The National Party did not have a single leader, but several leaders of equal status, and wanted to restore the former amir and observe the "01d a reference to the treaties of 1855 and 1857 concluded between Amir Dost Mohammad Khan and the British Government of India. In these treaties, the amir had agreed to be "the friend of the friends and the enemy of the enemies of the British."
The "JVew Order" for Afghanistan
As a result of the December uprising the Kabul administration headed by Major-General J. Hill-Jones collapsed. General Roberts decided to set up a new one and give it an indigenous appearance, with a Mohammadzay sardar, assisted by offce holders to head it. However, the Mohammadzays were in their twilight years, and even less influential than the mullas had been.45 Away' from their power base— that is, Kandahar, they could not count on the active support of others in times of war, when the government and the army had
military offcer in Afghanistan whom the rank and file of the army elected to the rank ofgeneral (ghamushr) to lead them in the campaigns against the British invaders. support of the house of Amir Sher arranged to have him killed the accusation that Wardak a by the chronicle's author in
Of Events in Afghanistan,
CHAPTER TWO
a defeat. •r intermittently,
KandaharJ in August have been described bulk of the Afghan as their temporary center after they drove away from there the Hazaras who had occupied it at the instigation of General Roberts, when he and his army were besieged in Sherpur. Represented by the Ghazni Party or the National Party, as it was referred to in the British omcial reports, they chose Sardar Musa Jan, a young son of the exiled amir, as the new amir. The National Party did not have a single leader, but several leaders of equal status, and wanted to restore the former amir and observe the "01d a reference to the treaties of 1855 and 1857 concluded between Amir Dost Mohammad Khan and the British Government of India. In these treaties, the amir had agreed to be "the friend of the friends and the enemy of the enemies of the British."
The "JVew Order" for Afghanistan
As a result of the December uprising the Kabul administration headed by Major-General J. Hill-Jones collapsed. General Roberts decided to set up a new one and give it an indigenous appearance, with a Mohammadzay sardar, assisted by offce holders to head it. However, the Mohammadzays were in their twilight years, and even less influential than the mullas had been.45 Away' from their power base— that is, Kandahar, they could not count on the active support of others in times of war, when the government and the army had
military offcer in Afghanistan whom the rank and file of the army elected to the rank ofgeneral (ghamushr) to lead them in the campaigns against the British invaders. support of the house of Amir Sher him arranged to have him killed the accusation that Wardak a by the chronicle's author in
to Of Events in Afghanistan,
India Offce Library, London,
a defeat. •r intermittently,
KandaharJ in August have been described bulk of the Afghan as their temporary center after they drove away from there the Hazaras who had occupied it at the instigation of General Roberts, when he and his army were besieged in Sherpur. Represented by the Ghazni Party or the National Party, as it was referred to in the British omcial reports, they chose Sardar Musa Jan, a young son of the exiled amir, as the new amir. The National Party did not have a single leader, but several leaders of equal status, and wanted to restore the former amir and observe the "01d a reference to the treaties of 1855 and 1857 concluded between Amir Dost Mohammad Khan and the British Government of India. In these treaties, the amir had agreed to be "the friend of the friends and the enemy of the enemies of the British."
The "JVew Order" for Afghanistan
As a result of the December uprising the Kabul administration headed by Major-General J. Hill-Jones collapsed. General Roberts decided to set up a new one and give it an indigenous appearance, with a Mohammadzay sardar, assisted by offce holders to head it. However, the Mohammadzays were in their twilight years, and even less influential than the mullas had been.45 Away' from their power base— that is, Kandahar, they could not count on the active support of others in times of war, when the government and the army had
military offcer in Afghanistan whom the rank and file of the army elected to the rank ofgeneral (ghamushr) to lead them in the campaigns against the British invaders. support of the house of Amir Sher arranged to have him killed the accusation that Wardak a by the chronicle's author in
Of Events in Afghanistan,
THE BRITISH AFGHAN WAR 39
mir of Badakhshan, Shahzadah Mohammad Hasan, opposed the enuy of Sardar CAbd al-Rahman. Eventually, however, the mir was driven out of his domain to Gilgit by his rivals, Mir Baba and Mohammad 'Omar, who brought Sardar 'Abd al-Rahman to Fayzabad, the capital city of Badakhshan.
In the middle of March Sardar 'Abd al-Rahman Khan lcf! for Qataghan where by a stroke of luck he was joined by a detachment of the Afghan army, which had been sent there by General Ghalam Haydar Wardak from Mazar to chastise Sultan Murad, the of Qataghan. This was a turning point for the sardar. Among the predominantly non-Pashtun inhabitants he became the acknowledged leader of a regular army. His power increased still further when the whole army of Mazar joined Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan, who supported the cause of %Abd al-Rahman Khan. Ishaq Khan was a full-cousin of Sardar CAbd al-Rahman Khan, and like the latter, had been in exile in Samarqand. Afterward, Sardar CAbd al-Rahman Khan doubled his efforts in extending his influence throughout the country.
In Kabul, opposition to the occupation lasted longer than the British had anticipated. The British government, in London, was getting restless, and was unwilling to continue to sanction the war." Further, the executions in Kabul had aroused fury, even in England, as previously noted. Under pressure, Lord Lytton decided to evacuate 'Northern Afghanistan' by the following autumn, and this made it necessary for him to make new arrangements. As part of his plan, he replaced General Roberts with General Donald M. Stewart as the supreme commander of 'the Northern Afghanistan Field Force.' No reason was given for the replacement, but MacGregor maintained that 'c, our misfortune was in having a man like Bobs, when we wanted a strong, honest and able man. "52 This implies that General Stewart whom MacGregor viewed as a masterful man, a real commander"53 would have succeeded where Roberts had failed. This was highly unlikely because, as the massacre and the resistance
so Kushkaki, B, Rahnomq-e-@tghan un Badahshan, [A Guide to Qatagyan and
Badakhshan], Kabul, 1302/1924, 171.
51 Singhal, India and Ughanütan, 59. MacGregor, in 171. Ibid, 184.
don of 'Northern Afghanistan.' In line with the guidelines that he had issued to Griffn, Kandahar was to be separated from 'Northern Afghanistan' and a suitable individual, other than the deported amir, was to be approached?' In truth, Lytton was against the coming to power of any member of the family of the late Amir Sher cAli Khan, as he bclieved that no member of the family would go along with his scheme. Further, he held a grudge against the entire family because of the massacre, even though the Investigation Commission had declared Mohammad Ya'qub Khan only "inculpably negligent." The diffculty of Griffn can be appreciated in the context of this mebdrama, in which the views of the Afghans and of Lytton were poles apart.
In Kabul, the search for a ruler aroused various factions to action. The strongest party was probably that of Sardar Mohammad Hashim Khan, a cousin and brother-in-law of the deported amir, but the National Party did not trust him, and the British withdrew their support when they began negotiating with Sardar 'Abd al-Rahman Khan. The wali of Kabul also aspired to the throne, although it was known that without the British military support he could not succeed. With regard to the choice of a ruler the National Party was the most influential voice, and it would support only a member of the family of the late Amir Sher 'Ali Khan. Although it opppsed the occupation vehemently, it still preferred a closer relationship with British India to one with Russia.
Roberts had already sent Mustaufi Habib Allah Wardak to Ghazni to impress upon elders of the National Party the necessity of naming someone to rule over "Northern Afghanistan."55 They named the deported amir, guaranteeing his friendship with the British,56 but don of 'Northern Afghanistan.' In line with the guidelines that he had issued to Griffn, Kandahar was to be separated from 'Northern Afghanistan' and a suitable individual, other than the deported amir, was to be approached?' In truth, Lytton was against the coming to power of any member of the family of the late Amir Sher cAli Khan, as he bclieved that no member of the family would go along with his scheme. Further, he held a grudge against the entire family because of the massacre, even though the Investigation Commission had declared Mohammad Ya'qub Khan only "inculpably negligent." The diffculty of Griffn can be appreciated in the context of this mebdrama, in which the views of the Afghans and of Lytton were poles apart.
In Kabul, the search for a ruler aroused various factions to action. The strongest party was probably that of Sardar Mohammad Hashim Khan, a cousin and brother-in-law of the deported amir, but the National Party did not trust him, and the British withdrew their support when they began negotiating with Sardar 'Abd al-Rahman Khan. The wali of Kabul also aspired to the throne, although it was known that without the British military support he could not succeed. With regard to the choice of a ruler the National Party was the most influential voice, and it would support only a member of the family of the late Amir Sher 'Ali Khan. Although it opppsed the occupation vehemently, it still preferred a closer relationship with British India to one with Russia.
Roberts had already sent Mustaufi Habib Allah Wardak to Ghazni to impress upon elders of the National Party the necessity of naming someone to rule over "Northern Afghanistan."55 They named the deported amir, guaranteeing his friendship with the British,56 but don of 'Northern Afghanistan.' In line with the guidelines that he had issued to Griffn, Kandahar was to be separated from 'Northern Afghanistan' and a suitable individual, other than the deported amir, was to be approached?' In truth, Lytton was against the coming to power of any member of the family of the late Amir Sher cAli Khan, as he bclieved that no member of the family would go along with his scheme. Further, he held a grudge against the entire family because of the massacre, even though the Investigation Commission had declared Mohammad Ya'qub Khan only "inculpably negligent." The diffculty of Griffn can be appreciated in the context of this mebdrama, in which the views of the Afghans and of Lytton were poles apart.
In Kabul, the search for a ruler aroused various factions to action. The strongest party was probably that of Sardar Mohammad Hashim Khan, a cousin and brother-in-law of the deported amir, but the National Party did not trust him, and the British withdrew their support when they began negotiating with Sardar 'Abd al-Rahman Khan. The wali of Kabul also aspired to the throne, although it was known that without the British military support he could not succeed. With regard to the choice of a ruler the National Party was the most influential voice, and it would support only a member of the family of the late Amir Sher 'Ali Khan. Although it opppsed the occupation vehemently, it still preferred a closer relationship with British India to one with Russia.
Roberts had already sent Mustaufi Habib Allah Wardak to Ghazni to impress upon elders of the National Party the necessity of naming someone to rule over "Northern Afghanistan."55 They named the deported amir, guaranteeing his friendship with the British,56 but don of 'Northern Afghanistan.' In line with the guidelines that he had issued to Griffn, Kandahar was to be separated from 'Northern Afghanistan' and a suitable individual, other than the deported amir, was to be approached?' In truth, Lytton was against the coming to power of any member of the family of the late Amir Sher cAli Khan, as he bclieved that no member of the family would go along with his scheme. Further, he held a grudge against the entire family because of the massacre, even though the Investigation Commission had declared Mohammad Ya'qub Khan only "inculpably negligent." The diffculty of Griffn can be appreciated in the context of this mebdrama, in which the views of the Afghans and of Lytton were poles apart.
In Kabul, the search for a ruler aroused various factions to action. The strongest party was probably that of Sardar Mohammad Hashim Khan, a cousin and brother-in-law of the deported amir, but the National Party did not trust him, and the British withdrew their support when they began negotiating with Sardar 'Abd al-Rahman Khan. The wali of Kabul also aspired to the throne, although it was known that without the British military support he could not succeed. With regard to the choice of a ruler the National Party was the most influential voice, and it would support only a member of the family of the late Amir Sher 'Ali Khan. Although it opppsed the occupation vehemently, it still preferred a closer relationship with British India to one with Russia.
Roberts had already sent Mustaufi Habib Allah Wardak to Ghazni to impress upon elders of the National Party the necessity of naming someone to rule over "Northern Afghanistan."55 They named the deported amir, guaranteeing his friendship with the British,56 but
with neither, and consequently, he was unwilling to ally himself with Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan against the British, instead opting to come to terms with them. On June 9, 1880, about three weeks before 'Abd al-Rahman Khan set out for Kabul, Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan left Herat ror Kandahar. Sardar 'Abd al-Rahman Khan thought that if his rival cousin came to Kandahar, the Durranays and Ghilzays would rally behind him. He also feared that his rival might negotiate with the British before he did. 'Abd al-Rahman was eager to become a ruler, while Mohammad Ayyub Khan was first and foremost concerned with ousting the invaders. This explains why the former speedily appeared near Kabul and accepted the British terms. The Ghilzays supported the family of the late Amir Sher 'Ali Khan, but their opposition to the invaders was stronger than their loyalty to the family. Consequently, in the absence of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, they accepted Sardar %Abd al-Rahman Khan at the last minute.
Sardar al-Rahman did not have a substantial support among the Mohammadzay sardars in Kabul. Arnir Sher 'Ali Khan had supprescd those sardars M'ho had supported the family of Sardar 'Abd al-Rahman in the civil war. The other sardars were either 'Cavagnanzays', or Yacqubzays, or had ambitions of their own. Sardar 'Abd al-Rahman Khan bypassed them all, and appealed directly to the people. It is a tribute to his insight and skill that he gained the support of those who had opposed the British along with the support of those who had been committed to the family of the late amir, while at the same time successfully negotiating with the British. However, by accepting only 'Northern Afghanistan' he went along with the British scheme to divide Afghanistan. Further, he surrendered the external independence Of the country for which his compatriots had fought.
THREE
THE AFGHAN VICTORY AT -MAIH'AND AND THE
REUNIFICATION OF AFGHANISTAN
The negotiations conducted between the British officials and Sardar 'Abd al-Rahman Khan in 1880 resulted in the establishment of the latter's rule in northern and eastern Afghanistan. In western Afghanistan, Kandahar and Herat remained outside his domain. The British, who had stationed a contingent of troops in Kandahar, had formally placed it under Wali Sher %Xli Khan, while Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan ruled Herat independently. This chapter describes how after the British had evacuated Kandahar as a result of the defeat of their army at Maiwand, Ayyub Khan occupied it and soon afterward lost it in a military encounter with the new amir, CAbd alRahman Khan. The victory made it possible for the amir to occupy Herat, and to reunify the whole country.
Kandahar a Separate Hinczpali!v
Of all the provinces of Afghanistan, Kandahar was the most Important, since it was large, fertile, and the home mainly of the Durranay tribal confederation with its main divisions of Popalzay, Barakzay, Alkozay, Achakzay, Nurzay, Alizay, Ishaqzay, Khugianay and Maku. The Durranays were formerly called Audaul (or Abdaul). Ghilzays, Qizilbashes (or Parsiwans) and other groups also lived there, and it was the Ghilzay elder, Mir Wais Hotak who hberated Kandahar from the Safavi occupation in 1709. After his death, first his brother and afterward his son ruled over it until 1738. However, in 1747 the Durranays, under the leadership of Ahmad Shah Durranay, following the death of Nadir Shah Afshar, founded a more permanent rule that lasted for about two and a half centuries, until 1978 Thus, Kandahar was associated with the ruling. dynasties of the mo most important divisions of the Pashtuns.
Kandahar was the site of human settlement from prehistoric times. Alexander the Great founded a city there too, as did Nadir Shah 46
Afshar in the eighteenth century. The modern city of Kandahar was founded in 1 761 by Ahmad Shah Durranay, and it remained the capital city Of imperial Afghanistan until Timur Shah Durranay transferred the capital seat to Kabul, in 1776. Having produced emperors and kings, the Durranays looked upon themselves as a proud people, calling other inhabitants of the city opras (strangers).
In 1880, Viceroy Lord Lytton in line with the "divide-and-rule policy" which the British reputedly applied in their colonies intended to separate Kandahar from Afghanistan and subject it to the British rule. He considered Kandahar to be necessary for India strategically and commercially. To secretary of state for India, Lord Cranbrook, he wrote,
Although our primary reason for holding and improving this route [Quetta-Kandahar-Herat-Central Asia] is, no doubt, the undisputed command of southern Afghanistan and the means for forestalling Russian influence at Herat, we cannot lose sight Of the fact that this route has iRen at all times one Of the main tracts of Central Asian traffcs. l
To maintain a hold over the province of Kandahar. Lytton arranged to link it to India by a railway, the construction of which had already begun, and was scheduled to bc completed by the end of 1880. 2
Sardar Sher 'Ali Khan, a son Of Sardar Mehrdil Khan, was a cousin of the late Amir Sher 'Ali Khan. Following his accession, Amir Nfohammad Yacqub Khan appointed him the governor of the province. He was still the governor when a British army- under General Donald Stewart occupied it in 1879. The governor threw in his lot with thc British in return for their recognition of him as zeali (governor) of the province. Lytton even went so far as to hold that the wali was ". . . well able to hold his own entirely subject to our control. "3 On May I l, 1880 Sardar Sher 'Ali Khan was recognized officially in a public durbar as the "Wali of Kandahar and its dependencies." In a letter that was read on the occasion the viceroy addressed had him thus: "1 have the pleasure in announcing to you that Her Majesty the Queen-Empress has been pleased to recognize Your Highness as an independent ruler of Kandahar."4
Lytton to Cranbrook, 20 Nov. 80, PANEA, 110.
2 Ibid
Balfour, Izptton's Indian Adrüistration, 382. PANEA, 109.
THE AFGHAN VICTORY AT MAIWAND 47
Colonel St. John, the Political Representative was more eloquent in a statement that he read in Persian, stating the following:
Under the just rule of the Wali Shei 'Ali Khan, and under the protcction of England, Kandahar will, if it plcascs God, remain frcc from foreign aggression, and nse to such a height of wealth and prosperity that it will be the envy of the whole of Islam.5
The walii rule was declared hereditary, but his foreign relations were to be conducted by a British political representative quartered in Kandahar. The wali was allowed to have the Friday sermon (khutba) read and coins issued in his name, and he was also granted weapons and money. He was, thus, allowed to enjoy the appearance of an independent ruler.
Howeven the wal?s dependence on the British soon turned his countrymen against him. Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan and the mullas (religious functionaries) denounced him as a 'kafir' or 'infidel'. 6 The latter also declared their support for Mohammad Ayyub Khan, and their opposition to the wali. 7 Except for a few Barakzay relatives of the wali the bulk of the Durranays of Kandahar boycotted him, and even his mother and family advised him to oppose the British.8 Only the Ghilzays of Qalat paid him revenue, but most of the inhabitants of Kandahar refused to do so, and, also, defied his authority. The wali, nevertheless, remained loyal to the British, and organized an army.
In June 1880 the wali moved with his army to Girishk west of Kandahar to fortify his frontier and, further, incite people in Taimani and Farah against Sardar Mohammad Ayyub khan, who was rumored to be advancing on Kandahar.. However, the wali made it dear to the British that he needed their military support if he was to move beyond Girishk. When, in late June, Ayyub Khan's advance became certain, a British force 2,400 strong under Major General G. R. S. Burrows, was dispatched to Helmand, near Girishk.
s Wheeler, S., The Amm Abdur Rahman, New York, 1895, 94.
6 PANEA, 118.
Kandahar Diary (Kand D), 1-8 June 80, PSLI, 25, 1025. 8 Stewart to Lyall, 12 May 80, PSLI, 25, 1025.
the permission of the shah of Persia, and in possession of seventyfive-thousand Persian qirans (roughly half Of rupees). HC had gonc to Nlashhad after his father, Amir Sher 'Ali Khan, had imprisoned his full-brother, Sardar Mohammad Ya'qub Khan (See Chapter One). In Hcrat, Ayyub Khan had already rcccived military training from one Colonel Mehdi Khan, a Russian convert to Islam, who was finally banished for espionage.'" Toward the end of his life when he had traveled from Lahore to Kashmir and Japan Ayyub Khan composed diaries in Persian that were . simple, lucid and full of useful information and observations, though replete with grammatical errors and idiomatic slips." He was, however, so much conservative that he had become, according to his son, "the creature of the clergy" 10 and his "narrow-mindedness" shut him off from c'. . . things which are at once the master keys to human advancement and progress." However, this Ayyub Khan came to impress the image of a real hero in the minds of Afghans by inflicting a most stunning defeat on the British invaders. As his son correctly states, the "secret of his prominence [lay] in his patriotism, for which he sacrificed everything and spared nothing."ll
Early in 1879 Ayyub Khan assumed the administration of Herat after his full-brother, Sardar Mohammad Yacqub Khan, had become amir in Kabul. As the result of having had little contact with his father, when he was young, and because he had overseen his own entourage from an early age, the sardar had developed an independent personality. He was so sensitive about his independence that even the command of his brother, the amir, irritated him much, despite the fact that all along he had been his "true brother and henchman."12 In response to his brother's "'bossing" him "which was for
173, 151.
178.
the permission of the shah of Persia, and in possession of seventyfive-thousand Persian qirans (roughly half Of rupees). HC had gonc to Nlashhad after his father, Amir Sher 'Ali Khan, had imprisoned his full-brother, Sardar Mohammad Ya'qub Khan (See Chapter One). In Hcrat, Ayyub Khan had already rcccived military training from one Colonel Mehdi Khan, a Russian convert to Islam, who was finally banished for espionage.'" Toward the end of his life when he had traveled from Lahore to Kashmir and Japan Ayyub Khan composed diaries in Persian that were . simple, lucid and full of useful information and observations, though replete with grammatical errors and idiomatic slips." He was, however, so much conservative that he had become, according to his son, "the creature of the clergy" 10 and his "narrow-mindedness" shut him off from c'. . . things which are at once the master keys to human advancement and progress." However, this Ayyub Khan came to impress the image of a real hero in the minds of Afghans by inflicting a most stunning defeat on the British invaders. As his son correctly states, the "secret of his prominence [lay] in his patriotism, for which he sacrificed everything and spared nothing."ll
Early in 1879 Ayyub Khan assumed the administration of Herat after his full-brother, Sardar Mohammad Yacqub Khan, had become amir in Kabul. As the result of having had little contact with his father, when he was young, and because he had overseen his own entourage from an early age, the sardar had developed an independent personality. He was so sensitive about his independence that even the command of his brother, the amir, irritated him much, despite the fact that all along he had been his "true brother and henchman."12 In response to his brother's "'bossing" him "which was for
173, 151.
178.
the permission of the shah of Persia, and in possession of seventyfive-thousand Persian qirans (roughly half Of rupees). HC had gonc to Nlashhad after his father, Amir Sher 'Ali Khan, had imprisoned his full-brother, Sardar Mohammad Ya'qub Khan (See Chapter One). In Hcrat, Ayyub Khan had already rcccived military training from one Colonel Mehdi Khan, a Russian convert to Islam, who was finally banished for espionage.'" Toward the end of his life when he had traveled from Lahore to Kashmir and Japan Ayyub Khan composed diaries in Persian that were . simple, lucid and full of useful information and observations, though replete with grammatical errors and idiomatic slips." He was, however, so much conservative that he had become, according to his son, "the creature of the clergy" 10 and his "narrow-mindedness" shut him off from c'. . . things which are at once the master keys to human advancement and progress." However, this Ayyub Khan came to impress the image of a real hero in the minds of Afghans by inflicting a most stunning defeat on the British invaders. As his son correctly states, the "secret of his prominence [lay] in his patriotism, for which he sacrificed everything and spared nothing."ll
Early in 1879 Ayyub Khan assumed the administration of Herat after his full-brother, Sardar Mohammad Yacqub Khan, had become amir in Kabul. As the result of having had little contact with his father, when he was young, and because he had overseen his own entourage from an early age, the sardar had developed an independent personality. He was so sensitive about his independence that even the command of his brother, the amir, irritated him much, despite the fact that all along he had been his "true brother and henchman."12 In response to his brother's "'bossing" him "which was for
173, 151.
178.
The first British shell caught the scarlet umbrella held over the prince, and the Afghans responded with a general frontal assault. They doubled [sic], while the adversary was searching every corner of the battlefield Mith perfect impunity. The passive resistance or the A@hans was due to their muzzle loading fire-arms, which were no match to the Martini Henry and the Snider rifles of the adversary. One battery of the Armstrong alone kept the kettle boiling, while the rest or the Afghan guns [said to be 30 Or 35] kept mum. This state of affairs placed the endurance Of the warriors of the crescent to a most severe test. Their condition was worsened with Loynab's retreat at the head of 4,000 Herati irregular cavalry. For a while victory awaited the English with open arms, when the Afghan omcers in utter desperation rushed their men with drawn swords against the enemy squares. Though their death rate cost them appalling casualties, yet it, nonetheless, ealed the fate of the enemy. The attackers [Afghans] tightened the cordon and their smooth bore guns, confident of their range, belched Out with the perceptible result of British lines swinging to and fro. In spite of the tenacity of their offcers, an orderly retreat seemed impossible to perform. 29
Toward the end of the battle
a handful of the British infantrymen, . , literally fought to the last man and the last shot, to uphold the honor of the British flag, which won them the ever-lasting appreciations of their adversaries They kept the Afghans at bay, and held their standard high, till the last man fell 30
Many of those ". . . who were hiding in streams, wells, and gardens perished at the hands of women, who, from the roofs hurled heavy objects such as millstones, rocks, well-pulleys and stone mortars at them. "31 Effendi states: "Thus the entire British forces were annihilated [in four hours] with the exception of three scores, who were destined to reach Kandahar, to relate the tale of woe "32
According to St. John the Afghans killed and wounded numbered 2,150, and the English about 1,100. Ayyub's army was made up of 4,555 infantry, about 3,200 cavalry, and 4,000 ghazis [fighters against the 'infidels'] many of whom were talibs (students of Islamic studies), while that of General Burrows made up of 2,800 regular with 2,000
29 Effendi, Royals and Royal Mendicant, 187—188.
Ibid., 188-189.
Tar-zi, Reminiscences, 14.
32 Effendi, RO-yaLf and Royal Ma&ant, 189.
THE AFGHAN VICTORY AT MAIWAND 51
The first British shell caught the scarlet umbrella held over the prince, and the Afghans responded with a general frontal assault. They doubled [sic], while the adversary was searching every corner of the battlefield Mith perfect impunity. The passive resistance or the A@hans was due to their muzzle loading fire-arms, which were no match to the Martini Henry and the Snider rifles of the adversary. One battery of the Armstrong alone kept the kettle boiling, while the rest or the Afghan guns [said to be 30 Or 35] kept mum. This state of affairs placed the endurance Of the warriors of the crescent to a most severe test. Their condition was worsened with Loynab's retreat at the head of 4,000 Herati irregular cavalry. For a while victory awaited the English with open arms, when the Afghan omcers in utter desperation rushed their men with drawn swords against the enemy squares. Though their death rate cost them appalling casualties, yet it, nonetheless, ealed the fate of the enemy. The attackers [Afghans] tightened the cordon and their smooth bore guns, confident of their range, belched Out with the perceptible result of British lines swinging to and fro. In spite of the tenacity of their offcers, an orderly retreat seemed impossible to perform. 29
Toward the end of the battle
a handful of the British infantrymen, . , literally fought to the last man and the last shot, to uphold the honor of the British flag, which won them the ever-lasting appreciations of their adversaries They kept the Afghans at bay, and held their standard high, till the last man fell 30
Many of those ". . . who were hiding in streams, wells, and gardens perished at the hands of women, who, from the roofs hurled heavy objects such as millstones, rocks, well-pulleys and stone mortars at them. "31 Effendi states: "Thus the entire British forces were annihilated [in four hours] with the exception of three scores, who were destined to reach Kandahar, to relate the tale of woe "32
According to St. John the Afghans killed and wounded numbered 2,150, and the English about 1,100. Ayyub's army was made up of 4,555 infantry, about 3,200 cavalry, and 4,000 ghazis [fighters against the 'infidels'] many of whom were talibs (students of Islamic studies), while that of General Burrows made up of 2,800 regular with 2,000
29 Effendi, Royals and Royal Mendicant, 187—188.
Ibid., 188-189.
Tar-zi, Reminiscences, 14.
32 Effendi, RO-yaLf and Royal Ma&ant, 189.
Khan probably felt that he either could not force the British army, or because of the presence of Amir CAbd al-Rahman Khan, he saw it advisable to come to terms with the British from a position of strength. Mhatever the truth, despite the fact that thc negotiation bore no fruit, the Maiwand battle dealt a deadly blow to the Bntish scheme of dividing Afghanistan.
Battles are organized by generals and fought by warriors.
the battles are won the generals are viewed as heroes, and the warriors are forgotten perhaps because pcoplc want to have herocs and forget about those who have actually made them. That is why Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan is known to this day as the hero or victor of Maivand, and the actual fighters are forgotten, although it was they fought the battle with a fierce determination, at an enormous cost, to the point of final victory. Of course, they did so when a dynastic prince led them to the battlefield to defend the fatherland, Islam, and independence. The Maiwand victory compares with the victory that was won over forty years earlier in Kabul against a strong British army and camp followers from among •whom only about three hundred survived, and only one, Surgeon William Brydon, escaped. Both damaged the reputation of the British, a superpower of the time. But at Maiwand according to Sir Charles M. MacGregor it was not s'. . . so bad in the way of the losses . . . but worse for our honor as they [the British soldiers] ought all to have been killed. "39 On the other hand, both victories established the reputation of Afghans as Spartans and rescued them from being conquered by a European colonial superpower. That is why they left a deep mark not only on Afghans of the time, but on Afghans of the future generations as well.
The victory in Kabul was the outcome largely of the statesmanship and generalship of Ghazi Mohammad Akbar Khan, and that in Maiwand largely of the efforts of his nephew, Ghazi Mohammad Ayyub Khan. These individuals as well as the memory of Maiuand have come to symbolize Afghan gallantry and patriotism. Both have contributed much toward consolidating the Afghans as a nation, a notion actually inherited from Mir Wais Hotak and Ahmad Shah Durranay. Emotionally evocative, all these names have become the ngredients of Afghan culture. However, in the long run, the victories
'9 MacGregor, War 217.
at Kabul and Maiwand kept the Afghans isolated from the currents of science and technology, and other progreésive aspects of modern life, and they also contributed to a legacy of xenophobia.
The Zimma A feeling
The British offcials in Kabul feared that the Afghan victory at Maiwand would upset the arrangement that they had made with Amir CAbd al-Rahman Khan. Griffn wired the foreign secretary, Alfred Lyall the following message:
The Kandahar news alters the position hcre and unless Ayyub can be beaten decisively and quickly, may cause all arrangements to collapse. Amir will not be able to stand against Ayyub, Gctorious. Many of his adherents will abandon him and his troops here and in Turkestan may mutiny. If he marches to Ghazni, the country will join
The amir himself shared this fear, and he and Griffin agreed to cooperate. During a two-day meting in Zimma41 just north of Kabul, on July 31—August l, 1880, the amir pressed Griffn to conclude a treaty with him. However, Griffn was not authorized to do so, because at the time, the British Government of India viewed the amir's position as precarious. Alternatively, in order to help the amir consolidate his position, the Governmcnt granted him a few light guns and nearly two million rupees which actually belonged to the Afghan treasury. More importantly, Grimn promised him that the British troops would leave soon, a promise that enabled the amir to tell his people that he was sending the invading army away.
In return for the British assistance, the amir promised to persuade the Ghilzay elders to allow a British force to pass through their land on the way to Kandahar. A select army of ten thousand strong, with artillery guns and nine thousand camels appeared to be for the purpose of evacuating Kabul, but in reality had been sent to relieve the besieged army in Kandahar, as the British found it difficult to send troops there from their nearest base, in the city of Quetta. Starting
'0 to Lyall 28 July 80, PSI-I, 26, pt. 3, 47.
For the text of the Zimma meeting, see Kakar, .4fghanistan, A Stu" in lnUmal Politid 1880—1896, Punjab Educational press, Lahore, 1971 , 256—281.
on August 7, the army, under General Roberts, covered 324 miles in twenty-three days, which was a remarkable feat, although the army was traveled unhindered, and MacGregor who had accompanied it, states, "People, civil. they say apologetically by order."42 As previously noted, the amir had asked their elders not to molest the British army.
The army arrived at kandahar on August 31 and found that the besieged British offcers there had been under tremendous pressure. According to MacGregor, as they had lost over 200 men, with eight offcers, in an unsuccessful sortie, they were "looking very cheap. On September l , 1880, the British army, commanded by General Roberts, defeated the army of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan in an engagement in the Baba Wali Pass, near the city, with a loss of about 200 to the British and about the same number to the Afghans.H Ayyub Khan returned to Herat on September 22, 1880, and Roberts and his army left Kandahar for India for good. As William Trousdale states,
Roberts' . , . defeat of [Sardar Mohammad) Ayub near Kandahar vas vengeance for the British, but the true victory belonged to Aldur Rahman who was thus spared the necessity of defeating Ayub Kian in a military challenge for the crown.4S
The Collapse of the Scheme of Partition
The Afghan victory at Maiwand dealt a deadly blow to the 'independence' of Kandahar, and Lord Lytton's 'new order' for Afghanistan. Foreign Secretary Alfred Lyall, who visited Kandahar shortly after Maiwand to assess the situation, concluded that, ' . the Durranis of Kandahar are much opposed to the occupation, either directly through [VVali] Sher Ali or any other nominee, or directly through our officers."" The British government then decided to hand over
MacGregor, War in Afghanistan, 232.
Ibid., 239.
Ibid. Offcially, the British casualties were 35 killed and 229 wounded. The Afghan losses are diffcult to ascertain, and estimates vao' from 700 to 1,200. It is to be noted that since the Baba Wali battle was not a major one these figures appear to be high.
Trousdale, Introduction in War in Afghanstan, 63. Lyall on Kandahar, Nov. 90, PSLI, 27, 547.
Kandahar to the amir despite the strong opposition of the Gceroy's council,' ; but since Ayyub Khan was . . . the most popular candidate for rule in southern Afghanistan' the amir did not want to occupy it immediately." However, the British were anxious to withdraw thcir troops before the summer heat hit thc region, and on April 16, 1881 they handed over Kandahar to the amir's officials along with weapons and money, but let themselves meet the feared challenge of the victor of Maiwand. Shortly afterward, they left the city for good. Wali Sher 'Ali Khan, who had been guaranteed 'dynastic hereditary rule' was granted an allowance for life, settled in Karachi, and faded into obscurity. Thus, the Second British War on Afghanistan came to an end. It was fought with the utmost ferocity, had an enormous death toll, weakened economics and disrupted the normal ways of Afghan life. The war also stained Britain's reputation and doomed its Forward Policy. What the British gained from this and their first Afghan war was the everlasting bad will of Afghans.
Sardar Mohammad ,4yyub nan and the Haatis
Upon his return to Herat Mohammad Ayyub faced a major rebellion which forced him to postpone his early march on Kandahar.50 The Heratis, that is, the Pashtuns, Tajiks, Parsiwans, the nomadic and semi-nomadic Char Aimaq (Jamshcdis, Firozkohis, Taimanis and the Sunni Hazaras of Qal'a-c-Nao) and others—were sick and tired of Kabuli rule. When the position of Ayyub Khan had been weakened, 'Northern Afghanistan' had formed the amir's kingdom, and Kandahar was still controlled by the British, the Heratis felt that the time had come for them to rule Herat themselves. Animosity had first appeared in Mazar between the Herati and Kabuli troops
For details see Memoranda on Kandahar, PSI—I, 27: 541, 547, 566, 1354, 1143, 1137, 1141.
Lyall on Kandahar, Nov. 80, psu, 27, 547.
Mahomed, 17" Life ofAbdur Rahman, l, 208.
My description of the relations Of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan Bith the people of Herat, featured in my book (1971), is basically the same as that provided by Riyazi in al- While my 1971 account is based on reports from the
Kandahar Diary, my present account is based mainly on the work of Riyazi, a Of Herat.
during the anarchy that followed the death of Amir Sher 'Ali Khan. This and the tyranny exercised over the Heratis by the Kabuli troops prompted them to initiate an upnsing. Illey declared Fay Mohammad Khan as their ruler and Colonel Yar Mohammad Khan Alkozay as their military leader.
According to Mohammad Yusuf Riyazi, a contemporary native chronicler, " 165,000" Ordinary men and artisans from class and tribal sections" took part in the uprising. On the day of the action a small number of people from the army joined them, but the leaders were not up to the task. The Kabuli troops of Ayyub Khan commanded by seasoned Ghilzay offcers and armed with superior weapons and artillery suppressed the rebels-51
Sardar Ayyub Khan had already crushed the Jamshedi and Qbchaq tribes by disposing of their elders, Khan Agha Jamshedi and Qazi Jahandar Khan Qbchaq for their pro-British policies, even though the former was his father-in-law.52 Sardar Ambia Khan, elder of the Taimani tribe, also refused to pay revenue and, in addition, showed loyalty to the British.53 Of the Char Aimaq tribes only the Hazaras of Qal'a-e-Nao, under their elder, Mohammad Khan Nizam alDawla, remained loyal and fought on the side of Ayyub Khan.54 Thus, the sardar asserted his rule over the people of Herat, but they became alienated, and the alienation later became fatal to his rule.
Ayyub Khan's next step was to recover Kandahar, and he began to build up his army for the purpose of doing so. However, he needed to raise money, and was, therefore, compelled to exact taxes and customs dues. He was also in need of war materials, since the British had pressured the shah of Persia to prohibit their export to Herat. 55 Still, the sardar was able to build up an army of 4,400 men,56 made up of the Kabuli, Herati and Uzbek regiments, in addition to a large number of Herat and Qibchaq feudal cavalry.57
In early July 1881 the sardar, accompanied by his offcers, set out
5' Riyazi, •Ayn al-Waqaytt, 200—205.
52 Ibid., 195. MacGregor writes of Khan Agha Jamshedi whom he had met k'hile on the way to Kandahar. "I had a long talk qith him, he was very anxious for us to to Herat, saying it was ours." The in Ughanistan, 228.
Sardar Ambia Khan to St. John, Kand D, 28 Mar. 80, PSLI, 28, 767.
Riyazi, CAyn al-Waqa», 200, 209.
St John to Lyd, 15-21 Jan. 81, PSI-I, 27, 1039.
* St. John to Lyall, 19 July 81, psu, 29, 508. 5' Riyazi, al-Waqa/, 206.
for Kandahar. After his advance force encountered a setback in Girishk, it defeated in Girishk the amir's larger force at Karez-e%Aua. Subsequently he entered Kandahar a military encounter.
The Il'ar of Reu*ation
The occupation of Kandahar set Sardar Mohammad Ayyub in direct opposition to the amir. The sardar, who had the superior claim and more public support still did not march on Kabul even though the amr's position there was said to have been ' . extremely critical. "58 Instead, he stayed in Kandahar and waited for the amir to confront him there. He did so because his Durranay supporters did not show enthusiasm for marching on Kabul. Also, from a vague letter addressed to him by St. John, then the Political Agent in Baluchistan, Ayyub Khan suspected59 that if he marched on Kabul the British forces at Quetta might occupy Kandahar. In contrast, the amir acted boldly to meet the first challenge to his rule. After holding consultations Mith elders of the eastern Ghilzays and the Tajiks of Kohistan he set out for Kandahar in early August 1881. On the way, he won over the support of the southern Ghilzays mainly by presenting gifts and cash to their elders and the promise of a just government to all. He also provided free cooked food for the public. It was during this time that he demonstrated the greatest generosity of his life time.
Although he was the legal ruler, the amir was only able through presents and money to persuade the mullas to denounce Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan as a 'rebel'. In contrast, Sardar Mohammad Ayyub, though only a claimant to thg throne, declared jihad against what he called the "farangi amir." The mullas of Kandahar went even further, denouncing the amir as a "kafir" and calling on Muslims c'. .. to fight against the nominee and coadjutor of the infidels.''60 The legal rulings (fatuns), thus, justified bloodshed between cousins and Muslims of the same denomination, and showed that the sardar enjoyed more public support than the amir. Still, Ayyub Khan expressed willingness to negotiate with the amir, proposing an alliance
* AB, Kabul Correspondent, 4 Aug. 81, PSLI, 29, 771. 5' st. John to A„ub Khan, 10 Aug. 81, PSI-I, 29, 721.
Amir 'Abd al-Rahman to Ripon, 22 Shawal 1298, PSLI, 33, 86.
with him against the British. He also proposed that Afghanistan be ruled in effect as a confederation by the six surviving princes uhose fathers had ruled provinces under their grandfather, Amir Dost Nlohammad Khan.Gl However, the amir refused either to forge an alliance with him or rule the country in association with his peer cousins in spite of the fact that at the Zimma meeting he had shown no desire either for Kandahar or Herat.62 The matter was, thus, left to bc scttlcd by the sword.
St. John, who widely reported on the developments in southern Afghanistan, described the confrontation between the rival cousins as a war between the two "hereditary Ghilzays and Durranays whose "ancestral animosity" he considered to have been by far the strongest political passion in southern Afghanistan. "63 He concluded that the Durranays flocked to Ayyub Khan, ' . the 1 eprcscntauve of the Durranay against the Ghilzays [to defend] their city agamst the Ghilzay invader."64
Although the southern Ghilzays were traditionally on bad terms with the Durranays, the conflict was not inter-tribal, but shaped more by religion, fear of foreign domination, and the hope of the acquisition of rewards. The Ghilzays took part on both sides; while the Tarakay Ghilzays supported Ayyub Khan, and closed the road behind the amir as a sign of rebellion. 65 the Hotak Ghilzays were dinded in their loyalty. As the name indicates, the Qalat regiment, which went over to Ayyub Khan in Girishk, was, in all probability, composed of the Ghilzays. Further, many of Ayyub Khan's senior oficers were Ghilzays, although most Ghilzays supported the amir, but he bought their service with money and the promise of. plunder. The amir's army also had two thousand Kandahari horseman, most of whom were Durranays, although the Durranays flocked to Ayyub Khan in the belief that he was 'a champion of Islam' and the anur 'a creature of the British.' This was because they opposed thc idea of being ruled by another puppet which they believed the amir to be. This also accounts for the presence of many mullas and talibs (students of Islamic studies) in the army of the sardar. Further, as
St. John to Foreign, (T), 5 sept. 81, PSLI, 29, 977.
62 Grimn to Stewart, 4 Aug. 80, PSLI, 26, pt. 5, 869.
St. John to Lyall, 22 sept. 81, PSI-I, 30, 117.
Ibid., ng.
St. John to Lyall, 22 sept. 81, psu, 29, 1063 a.
already noted, the Maiwand battle had made Ayyub Khan an unquestionable hero.
The sardar had a larger army—snenteen thousand versus the fourteen thousand or thc amir's more experienced offccrs—Sipah Salar Hussayn Qizilbash, Na'ib Salar Hafiz Allah Ghilzay, Sardar CAbd Allah Nasir. and General Taj Mohammad Ghilzay. However, thc sardar had fewer guns than the amir had because he had lost many guns to the
On the day of the battle (September 22, 1881), the prevailing impression was a victory for the sardar's army. Indeed, at the start of the encounter, his army made advances against its adversary, but all of a sudden it retreated and dispersed; this occurred when some of the sardar's troops from the rear fired on the main body of the army. This was apparently the result of the discord that existed benseen the omcers of the sardar about some unreliable troops; some officers wanted to disarm them, while others were against doing so.67 In the heat of the battle, these troops, which according to one source, were the three Kabuli regiments that had surrendered in the battle of and according to another69 were the Herati and Kabuli regiments, fired on the Kandahari troops and the mullas and talilß. The latter constituted the core of the army of the sardar.
The retreat and dispersal of Ayyub Khan's troops were also due to the discord of his offcers that the sardar's army had been with- drawn from inside the city to a suburb near Chilzeena, close to the old city (Shahr-e-Kohna) where the armies fought. The relocation, which was intended to save civilians from being killed and property from being destroyed, created fear among the troops of the sardar while, conversely, it emboldened the amir's troops. 70 The relocation . was looked upon as a retreat for the arrny of the sardar and an advance for that of the amir. Also, unlike the amir who "was everywhere deploying and reinforcing his troops" and was ' 'in full control
66 Riyazi, '4yn al-Waqgpt* 206. According to Mohammad Hashim, a native agent of the British, the total number of the amir's army was 14,000 while that of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan was 17,000. Hashim to St. John, 26 Sept 81, PSLI, 30, 8. But Sultan Mahomed's figures for the former are 22,000 and for the latter are 20,000. The Life of Abdur Rahman, I, 212. The figures noted by Hashim seem to be more accurate.
Riyazi, •Ayn al-Waqgvit, 211.
Ibid., 208.
Mohammad Hashim to St. John, 26 Sept. 81, PSI—I, 30, 81. 70 Riyazi, al-Wapit, 211.
60
already noted, the Maiwand battle had made Ayyub Khan an unquestionable hero.
The sardar had a larger army—snenteen thousand versus the fourteen thousand or thc amir's more experienced offccrs—Sipah Salar Hussayn Qizilbash, Na'ib Salar Hafiz Allah Ghilzay, Sardar CAbd Allah Nasir. and General Taj Mohammad Ghilzay. However, thc sardar had fewer guns than the amir had because he had lost many guns to the
On the day of the battle (September 22, 1881), the prevailing impression was a victory for the sardar's army. Indeed, at the start of the encounter, his army made advances against its adversary, but all of a sudden it retreated and dispersed; this occurred when some of the sardar's troops from the rear fired on the main body of the army. This was apparently the result of the discord that existed benseen the omcers of the sardar about some unreliable troops; some officers wanted to disarm them, while others were against doing so.67 In the heat of the battle, these troops, which according to one source, were the three Kabuli regiments that had surrendered in the battle of and according to another69 were the Herati and Kabuli regiments, fired on the Kandahari troops and the mullas and talilß. The latter constituted the core of the army of the sardar.
The retreat and dispersal of Ayyub Khan's troops were also due to the discord of his offcers that the sardar's army had been with- drawn from inside the city to a suburb near Chilzeena, close to the old city (Shahr-e-Kohna) where the armies fought. The relocation, which was intended to save civilians from being killed and property from being destroyed, created fear among the troops of the sardar while, conversely, it emboldened the amir's troops. 70 The relocation . was looked upon as a retreat for the arrny of the sardar and an advance for that of the amir. Also, unlike the amir who "was everywhere deploying and reinforcing his troops" and was ' 'in full control
66 Riyazi, '4yn al-Waqgpt* 206. According to Mohammad Hashim, a native agent of the British, the total number of the amir's army was 14,000 while that of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan was 17,000. Hashim to St. John, 26 Sept 81, PSLI, 30, 8. But Sultan Mahomed's figures for the former are 22,000 and for the latter are 20,000. The Life of Abdur Rahman, I, 212. The figures noted by Hashim seem to be more accurate.
Riyazi, •Ayn al-Waqgvit, 211.
Ibid., 208.
Mohammad Hashim to St. John, 26 Sept. 81, PSI—I, 30, 81. 70 Riyazi, al-Wapit, 211.
on that account had made it a sanctuary. 7+ With the exception of the province of Nlaymana which was pacified in 1884, all of Afghanistan was, thus, brought under the control of the central government, and reunited.
As the result of his victory at Xlaiwand, Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan had become so popular that his presence e',cn in Mashhad was considered a threat to the amir's rule. The British once again helped the amir; in order to neutralize the danger, and also to keep the amir under pressure the British Government of India, in 1887, persuaded Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan as well as Persia to make a deal in which Ayyub Khan agreed to live in India. India granted Persia a handsome sum of money in return for this deal. In 1888, Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, accompanied by over eight hundred followers, arrived in Karachi via Iraq (where the author Effendi was born) and settled in Lahore on an allowance. The British never before or afterward had such an Afghan dignitary with so many followers in India.
As a resident of India, Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan was not the same person that he had been in his native land. According to his son, "While in Afghanistan and Iran he was virile and active, in India he became morose and reserved. "75 Content with the life of a 'Royal Mendicant' he kept his distance from the British officials, declining even . to draw the increment in his allowance, which rendered his financial position deplorable" and also affected his twelve sons and seven daughters and several uåves. 76 In 1907, he visited first Kashmir and later Japan. Living with the dignity of a fallen hero among his conservative followers, Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, who was the epitome of Afghan patriotism, "died in his sleep of heart failure, caused by chronic blood pressure" in 1914, at the
agc of fifty-seven.
1bB., 30.
IS Ehndi, Royals 272. Ibid., 231.
c:HAP1'ER
THE PACIFICATION OF EASTERN AFGHANISTAN
The preceding chapters have described the events that led to the establishment of the rule of Amir %Abd al-Rahman Khan. This and the following chapters describe how he extended the government authority throughout Afghanistan.
Amir 'Abd al-Rahman, who was well experienced in the politics of his people and their intractable elders; knowledgeable about the willingness of elders of some minority ethnic groups to undergo foreign domination; and concerned about the presence of dynastic rivals in the neighboring lands as well as about the danger to Afghanistan posed by the Russians and the British, took a wide range of measures for the institution of a centralized government in order to safeguard the country as well as to ensure his dynastic rule. This two-pronged program made it necessary for him to build up a strong army and create sources of income by imposing a wide range of taxes. All of these measures enabled him to rule the country directly through government officials. He was, thus, the first Afghan ruler to do so in a country where people resented government control of their autonomous communities. The people most of whom were small landowners and landless peasants living within an agrarian economy opposed the taxes, as well as the amir's absolutist style of ruling. The amir, neiertheless, pushed his program, and this resulted in over forty uprisings of which I have studied only the major ones. I
The minor failed rebellions not studied in the present study are, as follows, and the source of all references to this entry is Siraj al-Tawarikh, vol. 3: a rebellion in Panjsher in 1881 (l Il, 384); a rebellion in Sedrah in Nijrao in 1181 (385); a rebellion in Rustaq and Badakhshan until crushcd in 1 882 (395); a r&llion by the Nurzays of Dehrawud in Kandahar in 1881 (398); a rebellion by the inhabitants of Khost in 1881 (401); a rebellion by Patanzay Achakzays in 1881 (406); a rebellion in Katawaz and Zurmula (Zurmut) in 1882 (407); a rebellion in Farajghan n Laghman in 1882 (401); a rebellion in the Ghassak valley in Nijrao in 1882 (413); a rebellion in Chaghanserai in Konarr in 1882 (413); a rebellion by the Achakzays in 1883 (416, 417); a rebellion in the part of the Alishung valley in laghman in 1883 (441); a rebellion in Waigal, Kulman and Sao in Laghman in 1885 (443); a rebellion in Pasha in the district Of Jalalabad in 1885 (592); a relxllion by the Sapays of Konan iri 1886 (490); a rebellion in Baghran in 1886
C.H.AFYI*F.R
The Eastern Province
64 C.H.AFYI*F.R
The Eastern Province
CHAVITR
rivers, while those of the Lower Mohmand reside in the northwestern corner of the relatively fertile Peshawar plain.
The city of Peshawar is in the Mohmand country, and members
of the Khalil and Khwaezay divisions are conspicuous among its inhahtants. Both parts of Nlohmand are divided into the main divisions of the Tarakzays, Baezays, Halimzays and Khwaezays. These divisions are the descendants of the Masayzay, who, along with Uthmanzay and Dawaizay are the descendants of Mohmand, known as Mohmand Baba. The Mohmands like the Durranays and Yusufzays are the descendants of Sarbun. The first known dwelling place of the Mohmands was Murgha, east of Kandahar from which they, like rmny other divisions of eastern Pashtuns, migrated first to Ghazni and then to their present land, in the sixteenth century. It was after their here that they were divided into the two parts.
In both parts the very strict Masayzay code known as dode cando (Code of Grando?) is applied in criminal cases such as theft, homicide, adultery. rape, etc. In these matters this code rather than the Sharita is applied even though the latter is the law of the land, and the clergy enjoy considerable influence among the Mohmands. In controversial cases, the Masayzay code specifies that certain households in both parts of the Mohmand are authorized to act as courts of appeal. Their verdict is final with no right of appeal.[2]
The inhabitants of the two parts of Mohmand did not have much dealing with each other. Strangely, the inhabitants of the Lower Mohmand were mild by comparison to those of the Upper Mohmand who were warlike. Also, the power of the khans of the Upper Mohmands had developed greatly, and, among them the khan of Lalpura was the most important, and the other khans of significance were those of Pandiali and Goshta. Carpenters, blacksmiths, weavers, barber, and potters lived in almost all of the villages of the Mohmands, as in those of other tribes; a special group of people, the Parachas, carried on trade among them.
The only khan (head of a tribe with feudal privileges) who retained his position throughout the reign of Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan was the khan of La]pura, Mohammad Akbar Khan. Lalpura was
66 CHAVITR
rivers, while those of the Lower Mohmand reside in the northwestern corner of the relatively fertile Peshawar plain.
The city of Peshawar is in the Mohmand country, and members
of the Khalil and Khwaezay divisions are conspicuous among its inhahtants. Both parts of Nlohmand are divided into the main divisions of the Tarakzays, Baezays, Halimzays and Khwaezays. These divisions are the descendants of the Masayzay, who, along with Uthmanzay and Dawaizay are the descendants of Mohmand, known as Mohmand Baba. The Mohmands like the Durranays and Yusufzays are the descendants of Sarbun. The first known dwelling place of the Mohmands was Murgha, east of Kandahar from which they, like rmny other divisions of eastern Pashtuns, migrated first to Ghazni and then to their present land, in the sixteenth century. It was after their here that they were divided into the two parts.
In both parts the very strict Masayzay code known as dode cando (Code of Grando?) is applied in criminal cases such as theft, homicide, adultery. rape, etc. In these matters this code rather than the Sharita is applied even though the latter is the law of the land, and the clergy enjoy considerable influence among the Mohmands. In controversial cases, the Masayzay code specifies that certain households in both parts of the Mohmand are authorized to act as courts of appeal. Their verdict is final with no right of appeal.[3]
The inhabitants of the two parts of Mohmand did not have much dealing with each other. Strangely, the inhabitants of the Lower Mohmand were mild by comparison to those of the Upper Mohmand who were warlike. Also, the power of the khans of the Upper Mohmands had developed greatly, and, among them the khan of Lalpura was the most important, and the other khans of significance were those of Pandiali and Goshta. Carpenters, blacksmiths, weavers, barber, and potters lived in almost all of the villages of the Mohmands, as in those of other tribes; a special group of people, the Parachas, carried on trade among them.
The only khan (head of a tribe with feudal privileges) who retained his position throughout the reign of Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan was the khan of La]pura, Mohammad Akbar Khan. Lalpura was
CHAPTER
Even though the Upper Mohmands were a poor people owing to the shortage of arable land except for that along the Kabul River the cffce of their khanate was more developed than those of " . the little republics of Safed Koh and Tirah" as well as that of the Lower Mohmands. This was due morc to the strategic location of their country than to its tribal structure. As guardians of the Khyber, the khans of Lalpura collected tolls on the Jalalabad—Pcshawar road at Dakka, and levied dues on the rafts on the Kabul River. The significance of the Mohmands in the area can be understood from the fact that, as Moutstuart Elphinstone had noted in the early part of the century that "A single Mumand will pass a whole caravan' through the Khyber. For the same reason Kabul paid thc khans of Lalpura allowances for keeping the Kabul road safc as well as for proGding militia in times of emergency. All of this may account for the existence, especially among the khans, Of a destructive sense of competition and the custom of badal (revenge). This destructive custom was so prevalent among the Mohmands that important individuals perished at the hands of rivals than due to natural causes.
In December 1879 the people of the Upper Mohmand rose in protest after the British in Kabul deported Amir Mohammad Ya'qub Khan to India. Soon a split cxcurred among elders of the uprising and Mohammad Akbar Khan accepted the position of ruling the Upper Mohmand from the British " . . on condition of his loyalty and good services to the British Government. "6 In return, Akbar Khan supplied the British forces with provisions and opposed the jihad movement against them,7 so keeping the intractable Mohmands in as ordered as could be expected.e
After the withdrawal of the British forces from Afghanistan, the amir gradually stripped Akbar Khan of his privileges by taking over the management of the road,9 and in 1883, confiscating the Lalpura tolls. l• Before that Akbar Khan's annual income amounted to about one hundred thousand rupees. Afterward the amir paid him allowances in return for his agreement to serve the state with militias in times
Bographical Accounts of Chiefs, Sirdars and Others of Afghanistan, Official publication, Calcutta, 1888. Henceforth BACA, 31. Ibid.
- Griffn to Ste%zrt, 8 May 80, PSLI, 33, 512.
- Peshawar Diary CPD), 18 Sept. 80, PSI-I, 34, 9.
- Mohammad Akbar Khan to Peshawar Commisioner, 30 Nov. 83, PSI-I, 38,
of emergency. I J Akbar Khan had no alternative but to comply: first, his request . . for the intervention of the British Government met with the reply that he comply with the orders received from . . . the second, among his many peers, Akbar Khan vcas only the first among equals, and had brothers and cousins, who were formidable rivals.
The Pacha of Konan
For centulies the long and narrow valley of Konarr (Kunar) with Pashat as its main town had been ruled by a Pashtunizcd reputedly sayyed family Of CArab descent. Sayyed Termizi, known as the Pir Baba, who had accompanied Mohamrnad Zahir al-Din Babur from Terrmiz, was the founder of the family. His shrinc in the village of Paucha in Bonair is venerated to the present day. Emperor Humayun, who was the son and successor of Babur, had granted him Konarr free of revenue. His descendants known local)v as de Konarr pachayaun (rulers of Konarr) as well as de Konan soyedaun (sayyeds of Konarr) gradually became secular. They took the revenue at the rate of one-third of the production of the land14 and in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries their annual income fluctuated between sixty thousand and eighty thousand rupees. 15 According to Malcolm Yapp, they
. had successfully maintained a substantial degree of indepen&nce of the Kabul Government but under the Barakzays there began a series of attempts to bring the area under control. . . . In 1834 Sayyid Faqir was deposed by Dost Mohammad and Sayyid Baha al-Din made ruler on his undertaking to pay an annual tribute of 19,000 rupees. In 1839 Baha al-Din was deposed and replaced by his brother, Sayyid Hashim, who agreed to pay 28,000 rupees per annum, 16
PD, 31 May 83, PSLI, 44, 860. Noelle, stau and Tribe cntu,y Ughanistan, 183.
BACA, 32. '3 Ibid.
Statement by Sayyed Mahmud, 1893, PSI-I, 67, 1078. Siyal, Zeeno Pa-htano @ba'lo Shajaray, 86.
Noelle, State and Tribe in .Mnzeenth Cattur Afghanistan, 193.
16 Yapp, M. E., "Disturbances in Eastern Afghanistan, 1339—42", BSOAS, pt 3, 1962, 504.
69
of emergency. I J Akbar Khan had no alternative but to comply: first, his request . . for the intervention of the British Government met with the reply that he comply with the orders received from . . . the second, among his many peers, Akbar Khan vcas only the first among equals, and had brothers and cousins, who were formidable rivals.
The Pacha of Konan
For centulies the long and narrow valley of Konarr (Kunar) with Pashat as its main town had been ruled by a Pashtunizcd reputedly sayyed family Of CArab descent. Sayyed Termizi, known as the Pir Baba, who had accompanied Mohamrnad Zahir al-Din Babur from Terrmiz, was the founder of the family. His shrinc in the village of Paucha in Bonair is venerated to the present day. Emperor Humayun, who was the son and successor of Babur, had granted him Konarr free of revenue. His descendants known local)v as de Konarr pachayaun (rulers of Konarr) as well as de Konan soyedaun (sayyeds of Konarr) gradually became secular. They took the revenue at the rate of one-third of the production of the land14 and in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries their annual income fluctuated between sixty thousand and eighty thousand rupees. 15 According to Malcolm Yapp, they
. had successfully maintained a substantial degree of indepen&nce of the Kabul Government but under the Barakzays there began a series of attempts to bring the area under control. . . . In 1834 Sayyid Faqir was deposed by Dost Mohammad and Sayyid Baha al-Din made ruler on his undertaking to pay an annual tribute of 19,000 rupees. In 1839 Baha al-Din was deposed and replaced by his brother, Sayyid Hashim, who agreed to pay 28,000 rupees per annum, 16
PD, 31 May 83, PSLI, 44, 860. Noelle, stau and Tribe cntu,y Ughanistan, 183.
BACA, 32. '3 Ibid.
Statement by Sayyed Mahmud, 1893, PSI-I, 67, 1078. Siyal, Zeeno Pa-htano @ba'lo Shajaray, 86.
Noelle, State and Tribe in .Mnzeenth Cattur Afghanistan, 193.
16 Yapp, M. E., "Disturbances in Eastern Afghanistan, 1339—42", BSOAS, pt 3, 1962, 504.
to Kandahar to oust Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan. 21 Fearful of his son's defection as well as of his own partisanship of the house of Amir Sher 'Ali Khan, Nlahmud Pacha refused a summons to Kabul unless he obtained an assurance of his safety from the British Govcn.ment. The pacha also reminded Griffn, who was then the Viceroy's Agent in the Central Province of India, of the services that he had rendered the British Government. The pacha wrote to him that
Up to date as far as lay in my power, I had served the Govcrrment, and incurred a bad name among my clansmen. The service was not rendered with the object that it should bear good fruit in the next world.
The British Government of India and the amir exchanged several letters on the subject. In one letter, Foreign Secretary Alfred Lyall even addressed the amir in an unusually complimentary langmge, stating that the viceroy "is assured that the feelings of justice for which Your Highness is so distinguished will make you hesitate of visiting upon Syud Ahmad [Sayyed Mahmud] the sins of his son. "23 This failed to impress the amir as in reply he wrote that if the pacha
. . . comes with the purity of heart to pay his respect to me . . . I will not punish him for the sins of his son. Should actions prove contrary to his professions, I shall have no Other course but to drive him away.
When it had occupied Afghanistan, the British Government of India considered Konarr as well as Kandahar, strategically important. Consequently, it gave explicit guarantees to the rulers of both. Like Kandahar, Konarr was situated on a road leading ultimately to Central Asia and western China. Also, from the upper part of Konarr, one road led to Chitral and another to the territories of the tribes along the northwestern parts of India, territories that were part of Afghanistan but at that time were not under centralized administrative control. From the lower part of Konarr was a road leading to Jalalabad. Despite the strategic importance of Konarr the Government of India reneged on its promise to the ruler of Konarr,
- Amir 'Abd al-Rahman to Ghüzay elders, AB Ctn Ghazni), 16 Aug. 81, PSI-I, 29, 1014.
- Sawed Mahmud to Griffn, PSI—I, 33, 514.
- Lyall to Amir 'Abd al-Rahman, 12 Jan. 82, PSLL, 33, 514. Amir 'Abd al-Rahman to Lyan, I Feb. 82, psu, 33, 414.
just as it had to the ruler of Kandahar. It did so because, due to much wider considerations, it had pledged to assist the amir in the consolidation of his rule, and to refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of his kingdom. Nevertheless in the same manner that the govemment of India had backed away from Kandahar it likewise backed away from Konarr. It did so because, due to much wider considerations, it had pledged to assist the amir in the consolidation of his rule, and to refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of his kingdom. The viceroy then left the fate of the pacha to the amir's mercy, arguing that because of its geographical location
. the possessions Of the Bad-shah are so situated as to render it imposSible to give him any active assistance without the violation Of the amir's territory in a manner amounting practically to an act of war.25
In November 1882, after an. advance was made against him by a contingent of the government army, the pacha, who had been abandoned by his British ally, and was opposed by his own people for his pro-British activities, fled first to Mittai and later in 1886 to Hassan Abdal, in India. Soon afterward, Kabul established direct control over Konarr. During his residence in India, the pacha lived on a British allowance, and returned to Konarr after the amir had died in 1901.
The Shinwarays
Kabul treated the Shinwarays more leniently than it treated other tribes because they kept the road to the Khyber pass open. Kabul also allowed them to levy tolls on the road to Peshawar and, in addition, paid allowances to them.26 It even exempted two of their divisions—Sangu Khel (or Sun Khel) and Sipai—from paying revenue. The Shinwarays have four main divisions, the others are Ali Sher Khcl and Mandozays. The Shinwarays, though a very important tribe, had no one khan or elder as influential as that of the Mohmands.
Kabul changed its policy in 1882, when Amir 'Abd al-Rahman garrisoned Dakka27 Prior to the rebellion, the Shinwarays sent a jirga
23 Ripon to Hartington, 23 Dec. 82, PSLI, 34, 221.
- 6 Jenkyns, W., A Report on the District of Jalalabad, Chiefly in regard to
Revenue, Calcutta, Offcial publication, 1879, 12—15. PD, 18 Dec. 82, PSI-I, 34, 9.
THE PACIFICATION OF EASTERN AFGKANISTA.N
(a council or deputation of elders) to the amir to discuss the restoration of what they called their 'rights'. The amir imprisoned the jirga and executed some of its members. During this time he declared the introduction for the first time in the whole of the eastern province, including the Shinwar (land of the Shinwarays) the three-portion system of taxation on land (se-kot) whereby landouners were demanded to pay one third of their revenue to the government. 2B The Shinvarays opposed the new measures, but in 1883 they were defeated in a battle with the government army, led by General Ghulam Hayder Khan Orakzay.
The battle hardened the attitude of the Shinwarays, especially when more radical younger members assumed leadership after some of their elders were killed in the battle.29 The new leaders rejected the concessions which required them to pay a tithe ('ushr), or onetenth of their revenue, to the government, instead of one-third, provided they agreed to be disarmed and hostages taken from them.30 Several battles were fought in many of which the Shinwarays were routed. They then fled to the upper part of the Spin Ghar Mountain, but still persisted in their demand that the amir should completely annul the revenue. The victorious army burned their houses and destroyed their crops. The Shinwarays resorted to robbery, announcing, "We have no mind to return to our country, and we do not care for the amir. We will support ourselves by plunder and
In 1885, Ghulam Haydar Khan Charkhay, the Sipah Salar, (commander-in-chief) took over the administration of the eastern province in both civil and military affairs. His arrival signaled hope for a settlement as he sent many jargas to the Shinwarays. Although the jirgas failed to bring about a settlement, they caused dissension among the Shinwarays.32 Some of the Shinwarays stood for a settlement, while others opposed it. During the uprisings of the Ghilzay in 1886 (See Chapter Five) and of Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan in 1888 (See Chapter Six), the amir adopted a conciliatory attitude
28 Gazetteer of Afghanistan, pt. 4, Kabul, Offcial p±hcation, Calcutta, 1910, 495. Henceforth GAK GAK, 488.
so PD, 1 June 83, PSLI, 36, 1549.
Shinwaray elders to General Ghulam Haydar Orakzay, Il May 85, PSLI, 44, 1079.
32 Monthly Memorandum (Henceforth MM), Sept. 86, PSLI, 48, 511.
toward the Shinwarays. During these periods, many Jtrgas attempted a settlement, but failed to produce a substantial result.
Although the Shinwaray elders agreed to pay revenue in proportion to the quality of the land,33 and although the Sangu Khel section accepted the payment of a tithe and the stationing of a governmen—appointed judge (qazi) in their region,34 the bulk of the tribesmen rejected the agreement, because they had lost faith in the amir. Compelled by the tribesmen the elders wrote to the amir, stating,
We are ready to submit to Your Highness's authority . . . but two things prevent us from carrying these wishes into effect: first, that we are in poverty and are compelled to commit depredations; allowances should be fixed upon us; secondly, Your Highness's subjects are in great straits; both days and nights arrests are made. Most Of the Khugianis and Mohmands have fled on account of oppression. How can we be consoled and assured that we will be treated well?35
However, the Shinwaray elders made this plea too late, for by then the tribesmen had lost their unity.
After the other, more serious uprisings elsewhere had been put down, the amir began to pressure the Shinwarays to submit to his authority. Toward the end of 1888 he dispatched tribal militias from other parts of Ningrahar36 and the district of Taga037 which, together with government troops and some Afridays and Shinwarays of the occupied areas, defeated the Sangu Khel, the most determined of the Shinwarays.3B Although they were still far from being defeated, their position had actually become untenable, since by then they had been driven to the upper parts of the Spin Ghar Mountain, and the Sangu Khel were living under extremely harsh conditions. Exhausted, they finally agreed to pay half a rupee per half acre of land (jarib) as revenue." However, the Sangu Khel still held out until 1892, when the tribe as a whole settled down.40
The extension of the government authority in Shinwar illustrates how the government tried to extend its authority elsewhere, especrally
Col. 'Atta Allah, British agent in Kabul, 17 Feb. 88, PSLI, 52, 1073.
34 PD, 22 Feb. 88, PSLI, 52; 768.
Shinwaray elders to Amir %Abd al-Rahman, 16 Mar. 88, PSLI, 53, 511. PD, 28 Nov. 88, psu, 55, 1243.
" PD, 22 Dec. 88, PSI-I, 55, 1368.
MM, Mar. 89, PSLI, 56, 1072.
'9 col. •Atta Allah (in Mazar), 5 Nov. 89, PSLI, 58, 849. GAK, 500.
74 CHAPTER FOUR
toward the Shinwarays. During these periods, many Jtrgas attempted a settlement, but failed to produce a substantial result.
Although the Shinwaray elders agreed to pay revenue in proportion to the quality of the land,33 and although the Sangu Khel section accepted the payment of a tithe and the stationing of a governmen—appointed judge (qazi) in their region,34 the bulk of the tribesmen rejected the agreement, because they had lost faith in the amir. Compelled by the tribesmen the elders wrote to the amir, stating,
We are ready to submit to Your Highness's authority . . . but two things prevent us from carrying these wishes into effect: first, that we are in poverty and are compelled to commit depredations; allowances should be fixed upon us; secondly, Your Highness's subjects are in great straits; both days and nights arrests are made. Most Of the Khugianis and Mohmands have fled on account of oppression. How can we be consoled and assured that we will be treated well?35
However, the Shinwaray elders made this plea too late, for by then the tribesmen had lost their unity.
After the other, more serious uprisings elsewhere had been put down, the amir began to pressure the Shinwarays to submit to his authority. Toward the end of 1888 he dispatched tribal militias from other parts of Ningrahar36 and the district of Taga037 which, together with government troops and some Afridays and Shinwarays of the occupied areas, defeated the Sangu Khel, the most determined of the Shinwarays.3B Although they were still far from being defeated, their position had actually become untenable, since by then they had been driven to the upper parts of the Spin Ghar Mountain, and the Sangu Khel were living under extremely harsh conditions. Exhausted, they finally agreed to pay half a rupee per half acre of land (jarib) as revenue." However, the Sangu Khel still held out until 1892, when the tribe as a whole settled down.40
The extension of the government authority in Shinwar illustrates how the government tried to extend its authority elsewhere, especrally
Col. 'Atta Allah, British agent in Kabul, 17 Feb. 88, PSLI, 52, 1073.
34 PD, 22 Feb. 88, PSLI, 52; 768.
Shinwaray elders to Amir %Abd al-Rahman, 16 Mar. 88, PSLI, 53, 511. PD, 28 Nov. 88, psu, 55, 1243.
" PD, 22 Dec. 88, PSI-I, 55, 1368.
MM, Mar. 89, PSLI, 56, 1072.
'9 col. •Atta Allah (in Mazar), 5 Nov. 89, PSLI, 58, 849. GAK, 500.
While Bajaur itself was a dependency of Jalalabad.•• Importantly, Asmar held a key position in the territories further east and because of this significance it can be compared to the Khyber Pass, as a gate to India.
Over two thousand three hundred years ago, Alexander the Great Of Macedonia chose Konarr, not Khyber, for his advance on India. The people he encountered there, as well as in Bajaur and Swat, during his military campaign, from November 327 BCE to February 326 BCE, were called Aspasians and Acvaka [the Asva—Ghana of
Sanskrit and Abgan of the middle Persian] from which the names
Yusufzay and Afghan have evolved. In the words of the historian Peter Green,
most Of the tribesmen he came against proved themselves first class fighters. During one engagement he got an arrow through his shoulder; and by the end of the campaign his condition can perhaps best be described as jittery.
In 1892, the easy pacification of Konarr and the stationing of govemment troops in Asmar under Sipah Salar Ghulam Haydar Charkhay became a signal for the pacification of Bajaur and the regions further east. Because of the conflicting policies of the khans of Bajaur, there was even a strong impression among its inhabitants that their khans might accept the amir's rule.'6
Béaur, Dir and Swat
The vast territories of Bajaur, Dir and Swat were autonomous principalities or khanates commonly known asyghistan (the land of rebels), to the east of the Konarr valley from which they were separated by a rocky mountain. Numerous divisions of the Pashtun Yusufzay and Mandir tribal confederation, their clients (hamsayas), and others populated the three khanates. The relatively fertile region of Bajaur is
Fayz Mohammad, al-Tawarikh, 749.
Kakar, '(khan, Afghanistan and the Afghans and the Organization pf State in India,
Persia and A%haniftan, (in Persian), Kabul University press, 1979, 17. Kohzad, murnad
Ali, 4*anistan Yaahnana, (in Persian) [Afghanistan in th Shahnama], Baihaqi Book Publishing House, Kabul, 1976, 288. Green, peter, Akxand« ofAfac& 336—323 BC, A Hi_sørital Biou*, University Of California Press, 1992, 382.
- s PD, 23 Feb. 722.
THE PACIFICATION OF EASTERN AFGHANISTAN 77
comprised of the five valleys of Charmang, Babuqara, Sur Kamar, Rud and Mamun< (or Watalai). Nawagai, the seat of the khanate, lies in the Sur Kama," valley. Bajaur is peopled principally bv theYusufzay Tarkanays, but Mohmands, Sapays, Uthman Khel and others also live there. Although outnumbered by other groups of people, the Yusufzays and Mandirs were supreme in the region as a whole on account of ovcning the land and wcrc as important thcrc as the Durranays were in Kandahar. (The Durranays and Yusufzays are descendants of a common ancestor, the Sarbun.)
A khan ruled over a khanate, maintained some troops, and collected revenue on the basis of a tithe ('ushr). However, his power was limited by a Jtrga (council) of the heads of clans among whom the khan was the first among equals. No khan's position was secure or permanent, though some were khans because their fathers had been khans. On the whole, a khan was powerful when he had a strong character and many relatives with a substantial follow•ing among the minor khans under his jurisdiction. Only with the approval of the elders did he have the right to levy a tithe as tax and recruit men for military service in times of war."
During the period under discussion, COrnara Khan (Urnra Khan) of Jandol emerged as the most powerful khan. Situated between the Bajaur and Panjkora rivers, Jandol had many khans known as Mast Khel. Among them C Omara Khan, son of Aman Khan Tarkanay, finally emerged victorious, and by 1890 he made himself the khan of Jandol as a result of a decade-long struggle." He scored the victory that made him powerful in 1890 when he occupied Dir, and expelled Mohammad Sharif Khan. The defeated khan who was a member of the ruling house founded by Mulla Ilyas, known as the Akhund Baba, took refuge in Swat. By expelling the khan of Dir,
C Omara Khan threatened the mehlar (ruler) of the principality of Chitral. By the middle of 1891, he likewise threatened Nawagai and, tö a lesser extent, Swat.49
Mornand, M. J. Siyal, Da Zeno Pashtano @ba'ib Shéaray, 97. Yapp, M. E., "Disturbances in eastern Afghanistan, 1839—42", reprinted from the Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. xxv, part 3, 1962, 500, Noelle, State and Tribe in Mtnetenth Cent" Afghanistan, 178.
48 Impena! Gazetteer of India, Provincial Series, Norå West hontiet hovince, Calcutta, 1908, 129. Henceforth GNWFP.
MM, Apr. 120. Siyal, Da Zeno Pasht.ano QabaUo Sh4aray, 92,
'Omara Khan's rapid rise to power turned many khans against him. Safdar Khan, the khan of Bajaur, made an alliance with Mohammad Sharif Khan, the exiled khan of Dir.30 Additionally, Mian Gul 'Abd al-Wadud of Swat incited the people in his domain against 'Omara Khan;hl his support was important because he was the son of %Abd al-Ghafur Khan, who was known as the Akhund of Swat, as well as the Ghous (Saint) of Saido or the Babajee of Swat, and was the most celebrated former ruler of Swat. Among his many disciples some were as influential as he himself was such as Mulla and Mulla Najm al-Din. The Mohmands of
Mitui likewise supported the khans who were against 'Omara Khan in their endeavors22
The amir supported Safdar Khan with larger allowances, and even expressed willingness to support him with troops if necessary.53 The concentration Of troops at Asmar under the command cf C•huiam Haydar Khan Charkhay, himself a Yusufzay Pashtun, had changed the balance of power in favor of the latter, in particular after his troops scored a victory in Shurtan, in Bajaur.54 The defeat of 'Omara Khan and the extension of the amir's rule in Bajaur seemed imminent. However, at this juncture the Government of India warned the •ah salar as well as COmara Khan not to move against each other. Specifically, it warned the former that his advance into Bajaur would be regarded as an act of hostility to the Government of India "55 The strong tone of the warning indicated the resolve of the British to implement its Forward Policy, which culminated in concluding the Durand Agreement in 1893 (See Chapter Ten).
Although the amir maintained his claim to Bajaur, he instructed the sipah salar not to advance on it. As for COmara Khan, the British finally forced him to flee to Afghanistan after he, in conjunction with Sher Afzal, the pro-Kabul exiled brother of the mehtar of Chitral, occupied that principality in 1895. Thus, a remarkable khan, the socalled 'Napoleon of Bajaur' was forced out of the region. He had,
MM, May 91, PSLI, 63, 497.
PD, 21 July 91, PSLI, 63, 1068.
32 PI), 13 June 91, PSLI, 63, 624. In 1917, Mian Gul was acclaimed as the ruler of Swat, and later in 1926 recognized by the British as the wali of Swat. Siyal, Zeno Pashtanao 89.
PD, 8 Aug. 91, PSI-I, 63, 1183.
PD, 28 June 92, PSLI, 67, 308. PD, 28 June 308.
THE PACIFICATION OF EASTERN AFGHANISTAN 79
through statesmanship and military action, carved out a kingdom that comprised Dir, Jandol. and Chitral and, like the amir; he had been determined to overrun Bajaur and Kafiristan. The exiled Mohammad Sharif Khan became the khan of Dir once again, this time with the additional title of nawab (ruler). This occurred in 1897 through an agreement qith the British in which they undertook to pay him a regular allowance and grant him weapons in return for his keeping the road to Chitral open. He ruled the khanate until he died in 1904. 36
Kuma
From latc 1891 onward, Kurma (Kurram), inhabited by Shi% 'Ali Khel Pashtuns, commonly known as the Turis (the Blackened) was frequently raided by the neighboring Sunni tribal, elders and mullas, who had been encouraged to do so by Amir %Abd al-Rahman Khan.57 Finally a widely known adventurer, Sarw•ar Khan of Chinarak, nicknamed Chikkai, who had given much trouble to the British at Kohat, occupied Lower Kurma (Kuz Kurrna) and the Turis paid him revenue.58 This occurred after Chikkai and his armed men returned from Kabul where the amir had received him with unusual honor. "39 Having given up hope of recovering the territory60 the Turis concluded a truce with Chikkai, according to which they agreed to let him retain Lower Kurma, while he agreed to make no further advances. 61
The amir tried to make the Turis his subjects, but he wanted to do this through a proxy to avoid antagonizing the Government of India, which had already told him that Kurrna would not be restored to Afghanistan.62 By the treaty of Gandumak Kurrna had first been conditionally assigned to the Government of India, and later annexed
% Siyal, De Zeeno Pzshtano Qba'ilo Shajargy, 92.
Derajat Confidential Diary, 15 Dec. 91, PSI-I, 65, 513. Fayz Mohamrrud, Sirg al-Tawaikh, 826.
KD, 4-8 Dec. 91, psu, 69, 1706.
59 MM, Oct. 91, PSLI, 66, 1324. MM, June 91, PSLI, 66, 1323.
MM, May 92, PSLI, 66, 884.
62 Fayz Mohammad, Sir• al-Tawarikh, 82.
by it. After the Government of India exchanged some correspondence with the Amir on the subject, British troops forced Chikkai and others out of Kurrna. in October 1892, and affected a settlement there.G3 The amir remained silent.
The Afidays
Settled in high walled forts and villages in the Khyber, Akhor, Kovwatt and Tirah from ancient times the Afridays or Apridays are the rnost important Pashtun tribe of the historic twenty-three—milelong Khyber Pass extending from Jamrud to Dakka. The Afridays are probably the people known as Aparaytae, described by Herodotus. Due to their mountainous territory, and their hard style of living they have lived beyond the pale of government authority even to the present day. Parts of the Khyber valley are also inhabited by the Mohmands and Shinwarays, but the Afridays are the predomimant tribe. As the guardian of the Khyber, these tribes were collectively referred to as the Khyberays. They were, thus, singularly Important because as a gateway of Central Asia to South Asia, the Khyber Pass served as the shortest thoroughfare for the passage of caravans, conquerors, merchants and people. Additionally, the Khyber Pass directly connected the cities of Peshawar and Jalalabad.
The Khyberays became famous in the latter stage of the Roshaniyya movement when they rose several times in rebellion under the leadership of Aimal Khan Mohmand and Darya Khan Afriday against the Mughal rulers of India. Aimal Khan "who was a born general, declared himself king, struck coins in his name and invited all the Pathan tribes to take part in the national struggle." For four years he kept alive the independence struggle of the Afghans from Kabul to Peshawar. In the Khyber area in 1672, the Pashtuns under his leadership killed 't a large number of soldiers and officers of the [Mughal] empire, . . and enslaved thousands of them." According to the Imperial Gazetteer of India, the entire Mughal army numbering 40,000 soldiers perished in this encounter. The Afridays are divided into the eight distinct divisions of Malik Din Khel, Qambar
63 Harris, L, Brigish Policy on the North West Frontier of India, 1889—1901, Unpublished Ph.D. thesis at London University, 1960, 88.
80
by it. After the Government of India exchanged some correspondence with the Amir on the subject, British troops forced Chikkai and others out of Kurrna. in October 1892, and affected a settlement there.G3 The amir remained silent.
The Afidays
Settled in high walled forts and villages in the Khyber, Akhor, Kovwatt and Tirah from ancient times the Afridays or Apridays are the rnost important Pashtun tribe of the historic twenty-three—milelong Khyber Pass extending from Jamrud to Dakka. The Afridays are probably the people known as Aparaytae, described by Herodotus. Due to their mountainous territory, and their hard style of living they have lived beyond the pale of government authority even to the present day. Parts of the Khyber valley are also inhabited by the Mohmands and Shinwarays, but the Afridays are the predomimant tribe. As the guardian of the Khyber, these tribes were collectively referred to as the Khyberays. They were, thus, singularly Important because as a gateway of Central Asia to South Asia, the Khyber Pass served as the shortest thoroughfare for the passage of caravans, conquerors, merchants and people. Additionally, the Khyber Pass directly connected the cities of Peshawar and Jalalabad.
The Khyberays became famous in the latter stage of the Roshaniyya movement when they rose several times in rebellion under the leadership of Aimal Khan Mohmand and Darya Khan Afriday against the Mughal rulers of India. Aimal Khan "who was a born general, declared himself king, struck coins in his name and invited all the Pathan tribes to take part in the national struggle." For four years he kept alive the independence struggle of the Afghans from Kabul to Peshawar. In the Khyber area in 1672, the Pashtuns under his leadership killed 't a large number of soldiers and officers of the [Mughal] empire, . . and enslaved thousands of them." According to the Imperial Gazetteer of India, the entire Mughal army numbering 40,000 soldiers perished in this encounter. The Afridays are divided into the eight distinct divisions of Malik Din Khel, Qambar
63 Harris, L, Brigish Policy on the North West Frontier of India, 1889—1901, Unpublished Ph.D. thesis at London University, 1960, 88.
to any or
the more worthily admired for the courage which they show in attack and in hand-to-hand fighting with the sword. "09
Just as other tribes in eastern Afghanistan, the Wazirs of Waziristan also looked on the ruler ot Afghanistan as a Muslim sovereign of their own ethnic stock. In i 883, they invited the amir's omcials to their land, but when the officials arrived there the Kabul Khel section of the tribe drove them away70 even though a militia of Kabul had been stationed in Wana, a town in Southern Waziristan. Subsequently, however, the Wazirs and Dawars agreed to pay a tithe, but the Biland Khel section incited the speen gund, as opposed to the tore gund against the amir. 71
Among the Wazirs, as among some other Pashtun tribes, the speen gund (white bloc) and tore gund (black bloc) were two leagues Of tribes traditionally at odds with each other. Although the existence of the leagues should have made it relatively easy for the government to penetrate the Wazirs, it actually made this more difficult. The schism bemeen the two leagues was so pronounced that even the amir's marriages with the daughter of Malik Rahmat Khan and the sister of Malik Tirin Khan did not help him extend his authority in Waziristan. These maliks were probably associated with the tore gund, as one Shahzada, a leader of the speen gund, went so far as to invite Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan to return, promising him the support öf "sixty-thousand" families of the Wazirs and Tanays to unseat the amir. 72 Actually, Shahzada resented the allowances, which the amir paid to his relations, fearing that the allowances would strengthen his opponents.
82
to any or
the more worthily admired for the courage which they show in attack and in hand-to-hand fighting with the sword. "09
Just as other tribes in eastern Afghanistan, the Wazirs of Waziristan also looked on the ruler ot Afghanistan as a Muslim sovereign of their own ethnic stock. In i 883, they invited the amir's omcials to their land, but when the officials arrived there the Kabul Khel section of the tribe drove them away70 even though a militia of Kabul had been stationed in Wana, a town in Southern Waziristan. Subsequently, however, the Wazirs and Dawars agreed to pay a tithe, but the Biland Khel section incited the speen gund, as opposed to the tore gund against the amir. 71
Among the Wazirs, as among some other Pashtun tribes, the speen gund (white bloc) and tore gund (black bloc) were two leagues Of tribes traditionally at odds with each other. Although the existence of the leagues should have made it relatively easy for the government to penetrate the Wazirs, it actually made this more difficult. The schism bemeen the two leagues was so pronounced that even the amir's marriages with the daughter of Malik Rahmat Khan and the sister of Malik Tirin Khan did not help him extend his authority in Waziristan. These maliks were probably associated with the tore gund, as one Shahzada, a leader of the speen gund, went so far as to invite Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan to return, promising him the support öf "sixty-thousand" families of the Wazirs and Tanays to unseat the amir. 72 Actually, Shahzada resented the allowances, which the amir paid to his relations, fearing that the allowances would strengthen his opponents.
82
to any or
the more worthily admired for the courage which they show in attack and in hand-to-hand fighting with the sword. "09
Just as other tribes in eastern Afghanistan, the Wazirs of Waziristan also looked on the ruler ot Afghanistan as a Muslim sovereign of their own ethnic stock. In i 883, they invited the amir's omcials to their land, but when the officials arrived there the Kabul Khel section of the tribe drove them away70 even though a militia of Kabul had been stationed in Wana, a town in Southern Waziristan. Subsequently, however, the Wazirs and Dawars agreed to pay a tithe, but the Biland Khel section incited the speen gund, as opposed to the tore gund against the amir. 71
Among the Wazirs, as among some other Pashtun tribes, the speen gund (white bloc) and tore gund (black bloc) were two leagues Of tribes traditionally at odds with each other. Although the existence of the leagues should have made it relatively easy for the government to penetrate the Wazirs, it actually made this more difficult. The schism bemeen the two leagues was so pronounced that even the amir's marriages with the daughter of Malik Rahmat Khan and the sister of Malik Tirin Khan did not help him extend his authority in Waziristan. These maliks were probably associated with the tore gund, as one Shahzada, a leader of the speen gund, went so far as to invite Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan to return, promising him the support öf "sixty-thousand" families of the Wazirs and Tanays to unseat the amir. 72 Actually, Shahzada resented the allowances, which the amir paid to his relations, fearing that the allowances would strengthen his opponents.
82
to any or
the more worthily admired for the courage which they show in attack and in hand-to-hand fighting with the sword. "09
Just as other tribes in eastern Afghanistan, the Wazirs of Waziristan also looked on the ruler ot Afghanistan as a Muslim sovereign of their own ethnic stock. In i 883, they invited the amir's omcials to their land, but when the officials arrived there the Kabul Khel section of the tribe drove them away70 even though a militia of Kabul had been stationed in Wana, a town in Southern Waziristan. Subsequently, however, the Wazirs and Dawars agreed to pay a tithe, but the Biland Khel section incited the speen gund, as opposed to the tore gund against the amir. 71
Among the Wazirs, as among some other Pashtun tribes, the speen gund (white bloc) and tore gund (black bloc) were two leagues Of tribes traditionally at odds with each other. Although the existence of the leagues should have made it relatively easy for the government to penetrate the Wazirs, it actually made this more difficult. The schism bemeen the two leagues was so pronounced that even the amir's marriages with the daughter of Malik Rahmat Khan and the sister of Malik Tirin Khan did not help him extend his authority in Waziristan. These maliks were probably associated with the tore gund, as one Shahzada, a leader of the speen gund, went so far as to invite Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan to return, promising him the support öf "sixty-thousand" families of the Wazirs and Tanays to unseat the amir. 72 Actually, Shahzada resented the allowances, which the amir paid to his relations, fearing that the allowances would strengthen his opponents.
government in their affairs.
- Additionally, with regard to some districts of eastern Afghanistan the amir was in a less advantageous position than his predecessors had been. In critical moments of the negotiations for the amirate, the representative of the British Government of India told the then Sardar %Abd al-Rahman Khan that the frontier districts and some passes mentioned in the Gandumak treaty would not be restored. At the time he remained silent, presumably allowing himself space for future political maneuver. After the expulsion of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, the amir embarked on establishing control over the lands of the eastem Pashtuns. However, it took him ten years to pacify the Shinwarays, and also to put down major rebellions elsewhere before he was able to pacify the eastern Pashtuns. Throughout this period, and later, until his death even in spite of the Durand Agreement he concentrated on peaceful penetration. He did so mainly by granting allowances to the Pashtun elders and mullas, employing many mullas and emissaries for this purpose. Also, from nowhere else to the same extent as from these areas did so many jirgas of elders visit Kabul where (he amir treated them as his subjects.
The amir's many booklets on the jihad were addressed mainly to the people of the regions as noted. The progress of his pacification of these areas was slow but steady. After the pacification of the Shinwarays he finally dispatched a military force under his most able government in their affairs.
- Additionally, with regard to some districts of eastern Afghanistan the amir was in a less advantageous position than his predecessors had been. In critical moments of the negotiations for the amirate, the representative of the British Government of India told the then Sardar %Abd al-Rahman Khan that the frontier districts and some passes mentioned in the Gandumak treaty would not be restored. At the time he remained silent, presumably allowing himself space for future political maneuver. After the expulsion of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, the amir embarked on establishing control over the lands of the eastem Pashtuns. However, it took him ten years to pacify the Shinwarays, and also to put down major rebellions elsewhere before he was able to pacify the eastern Pashtuns. Throughout this period, and later, until his death even in spite of the Durand Agreement he concentrated on peaceful penetration. He did so mainly by granting allowances to the Pashtun elders and mullas, employing many mullas and emissaries for this purpose. Also, from nowhere else to the same extent as from these areas did so many jirgas of elders visit Kabul where (he amir treated them as his subjects.
The amir's many booklets on the jihad were addressed mainly to the people of the regions as noted. The progress of his pacification of these areas was slow but steady. After the pacification of the Shinwarays he finally dispatched a military force under his most able government in their affairs.
- Additionally, with regard to some districts of eastern Afghanistan the amir was in a less advantageous position than his predecessors had been. In critical moments of the negotiations for the amirate, the representative of the British Government of India told the then Sardar %Abd al-Rahman Khan that the frontier districts and some passes mentioned in the Gandumak treaty would not be restored. At the time he remained silent, presumably allowing himself space for future political maneuver. After the expulsion of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, the amir embarked on establishing control over the lands of the eastem Pashtuns. However, it took him ten years to pacify the Shinwarays, and also to put down major rebellions elsewhere before he was able to pacify the eastern Pashtuns. Throughout this period, and later, until his death even in spite of the Durand Agreement he concentrated on peaceful penetration. He did so mainly by granting allowances to the Pashtun elders and mullas, employing many mullas and emissaries for this purpose. Also, from nowhere else to the same extent as from these areas did so many jirgas of elders visit Kabul where (he amir treated them as his subjects.
The amir's many booklets on the jihad were addressed mainly to the people of the regions as noted. The progress of his pacification of these areas was slow but steady. After the pacification of the Shinwarays he finally dispatched a military force under his most able government in their affairs.
- Additionally, with regard to some districts of eastern Afghanistan the amir was in a less advantageous position than his predecessors had been. In critical moments of the negotiations for the amirate, the representative of the British Government of India told the then Sardar %Abd al-Rahman Khan that the frontier districts and some passes mentioned in the Gandumak treaty would not be restored. At the time he remained silent, presumably allowing himself space for future political maneuver. After the expulsion of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, the amir embarked on establishing control over the lands of the eastem Pashtuns. However, it took him ten years to pacify the Shinwarays, and also to put down major rebellions elsewhere before he was able to pacify the eastern Pashtuns. Throughout this period, and later, until his death even in spite of the Durand Agreement he concentrated on peaceful penetration. He did so mainly by granting allowances to the Pashtun elders and mullas, employing many mullas and emissaries for this purpose. Also, from nowhere else to the same extent as from these areas did so many jirgas of elders visit Kabul where (he amir treated them as his subjects.
The amir's many booklets on the jihad were addressed mainly to the people of the regions as noted. The progress of his pacification of these areas was slow but steady. After the pacification of the Shinwarays he finally dispatched a military force under his most able government in their affairs.
- Additionally, with regard to some districts of eastern Afghanistan the amir was in a less advantageous position than his predecessors had been. In critical moments of the negotiations for the amirate, the representative of the British Government of India told the then Sardar %Abd al-Rahman Khan that the frontier districts and some passes mentioned in the Gandumak treaty would not be restored. At the time he remained silent, presumably allowing himself space for future political maneuver. After the expulsion of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, the amir embarked on establishing control over the lands of the eastem Pashtuns. However, it took him ten years to pacify the Shinwarays, and also to put down major rebellions elsewhere before he was able to pacify the eastern Pashtuns. Throughout this period, and later, until his death even in spite of the Durand Agreement he concentrated on peaceful penetration. He did so mainly by granting allowances to the Pashtun elders and mullas, employing many mullas and emissaries for this purpose. Also, from nowhere else to the same extent as from these areas did so many jirgas of elders visit Kabul where (he amir treated them as his subjects.
The amir's many booklets on the jihad were addressed mainly to the people of the regions as noted. The progress of his pacification of these areas was slow but steady. After the pacification of the Shinwarays he finally dispatched a military force under his most able government in their affairs.
- Additionally, with regard to some districts of eastern Afghanistan the amir was in a less advantageous position than his predecessors had been. In critical moments of the negotiations for the amirate, the representative of the British Government of India told the then Sardar %Abd al-Rahman Khan that the frontier districts and some passes mentioned in the Gandumak treaty would not be restored. At the time he remained silent, presumably allowing himself space for future political maneuver. After the expulsion of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, the amir embarked on establishing control over the lands of the eastem Pashtuns. However, it took him ten years to pacify the Shinwarays, and also to put down major rebellions elsewhere before he was able to pacify the eastern Pashtuns. Throughout this period, and later, until his death even in spite of the Durand Agreement he concentrated on peaceful penetration. He did so mainly by granting allowances to the Pashtun elders and mullas, employing many mullas and emissaries for this purpose. Also, from nowhere else to the same extent as from these areas did so many jirgas of elders visit Kabul where (he amir treated them as his subjects.
The amir's many booklets on the jihad were addressed mainly to the people of the regions as noted. The progress of his pacification of these areas was slow but steady. After the pacification of the Shinwarays he finally dispatched a military force under his most able
92[4] CHAPTER FIVE
Probably, as Fayz Mohammad, the omcial chronicler states, Mulla 'Abd al-Karim was declared something similar to badshah (ruler)" \Vhatever the truth, by inviting Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan the rebels planned to oppose the amir more effectively.
The Sulaiman Khel and the Andar took the first step toward rebellion by looting a Durranay army contingent in the Muqur area,21 and afterward marching on the city of Ghazni. However, in late October 1886, at Talkhakzar [Talkha Guzar?] the army led by General Ghulam Haydar Orakzay defeated them, and the general sent the heads of about two thousand fallen rebels to Kabul where, after the fashion of Timur Lane, a tower of skulls (kala munar) was displayed as a warning to others.[5] The leading rebels escaped to the country of the Kakars in the British territory.
Confrontation and Suppression
After the victory, the amir instructed General Ghulam Haydar Orakzay to disarm the Andar and their allies. He also instructed him to stop the allowances that the government paid to religious scholar-s, to sell the lands and underground irr*gation canals of those who had escaped, and to confiscate the lands of the Qarabagh region. In addition, he instructed the general to build a fort in Ataghar in the heart of the Hotak land. [6] With the exception of the latter the instructions were carried out, the Ghilzays were harshly treated, and their women insulted. The uprising appeared to have been suppressed, although it was the •winter that created that impression.
Meanwhile, the amir tried to isolate the Ghilzays as a whole while he appealed directly to their elders to submit. He also tried to win the support of his own tribesmen, the Durranays, who, until then, were on bad terms with him, warning them that the Ghilzays were after their ruling position.24 The Ghilzays had, after their looting of the Durranay contingent, made it known that they had risen against
THE GREAT GHIL7-AY UPRISING AND ITS SCPPRESSION
the amir only, and that they had no quarrel with the Durranays. However. the amir still continucd to incitc them against the Ghilzays, just as he had done the opposite when he was engaged in the fight against Sardar Mohammad Khan. Further, the amir Ict them enjoy their lands free of revenue as before, whereas prior to the Ghilzay uprising he had ordered them to pay it. E'
Ultimately, the amir failed to win over other people against the Ghilzays. He succeeded only in weaning the Hazaras from the Ghilzays with the help of the Qizilbashes,2" but failed to win the support of the Tajiks of Ghazni and Kohistan. The amir's notable failure was with the «ulema (Sunni religious scholars), as only a small number of them condemned the Ghilzays as rebels, while most sat on the fence by declaring that he was justified in fighting those who were dangerous to Islam.27 This reference could not apply to the Ghilzays because a distinguished scholar, Mulla 'Abd al-Karim-led them in the campaigns against the amir. More importantly, the amir failed in his efforts to calm the rebel leaders, even though he promised them that he would lower their rate of revenue if they desisted from rebelling.28 The rebel leaders rejected his overtures, and Mulla CAbd al-Karim declared that the amir's tyranny "had exceeded all and that he was an infidel, the extirpator of Islam, worshipper Of himself, and the friend of an alien Government. "30 The nonDurranay Pashtuns of the neighboring lands, including the Kakars, supported the Ghilzays, but among the latter the Tokhays did not participate in the rebellion.3 1
The uprising took formidable proportions during the following spring. The tothl number of the rebels was reported to have increased from twenty thousand in March 1887 32 to one hundred thousand in April. 33 However, after their initial successes in Qalat and Ataghar,34 the rebels were defeated at Ataghar,35 QalCa-e-Katal, and still later
Kand D, 25 Jan. 87, PSLI, 48, 487.
26 Fayz Mohammad, Sir' al-Tawarikh, 539, 527, 541.
2' KD, 29 Oct. 86, PSLI, 48, 1137.
PD, 7 Apr. 87, PSI-I, 50, 244.
PD, 8 Jan. 87, PSLI, 49, 283.
PD, 29 Mar. 87, PSI], 49, 1320.
Fayz Mohammad, Sir@ al-Tawariå, 539.
32 MM, Mar. 87, PSI-I, 49, 1281.
3' PD, 7 Apr. 87, PSLI, 50, 243.
" BACA, 178.
RD, 20 May 87, PSLI, 50, 879.
94 CHAPTER FIVE
in Other unspecified the government army under the command of General Ghulam Haydar Khan Orakzay. In its final phase the uprising found support in an unexpected quarter. The Ghilzays in the army at Herat, who had earlier risen in support Of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, 37 arrived and joined their recalcitrant kinsmen, and inflicted the final defeat on the army and recovered Nawa in July 1887. $b However, thereafter with the onset of winter and against the well-organized army which was continually reinforced they could no longer fight, and the uprising petered out. About twenty-four thousand Ghilzays were killed in all the clashes.
Ghilzay uprising provided an opportunity for Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan to try his luck once again. However, he traveled in the wrong direction, and failed to arrive at the Afghan border until late September when the uprising was over. Thus, the sardar lost his final opportunity to enter Afghanistan, as by then the amir had fortified the frontiers, and the Persian Government, under pressure from the British Government, had ordered his seizure.39
The Ghilzay uprising was essentially a war between the government and the Ghilzay landowners, whose power the amir had resolved to break. Among the provocative measures that the amir took, he imposed heavy taxes on the landowners, resulting in the uprising led by the Ghilzay elders. The elders were actively supported in their stand by almost all of their own tribesmen, while others responded with good will, The amir had neither, as he failed to send tribal militias against them, or to obtain a legal ruling (faåva) from the 'ulcma to denounce them as rebels as he had done in response to other rebellious tribes. However, since the Ghilzay. elders had poor weapons and no other means of fighting, they had no chance of success against the well-disciplined and well-equipped army. The uprising illustrated the ineffectiveness of a popular uprising against a well-organized military power.
After their defeat, the amir intentionally disabled the Ghilzay by impoverishing them economically and weakening them politically, doing with a view to preventing future uprisings. YVhat the amir
MN, June 87, PSI-I, 50, 1239.
- Riyazi, 'Ayn Wag", 262.
- KD, 5 July 87, PSLI, 50, 283.
For Riyazi, al-W*, 226—232. Riyazi had met Ayy•ub when the latter was on his way to Afghanistan.
THE GREAT GHIIÆAY CPRISI.NG AND rrs SUPPRESSION
had once believed about the Andar he now believed about the entire tribe, stating that "when they [Andar] have no money left with them, [they] will not again raise disturbances."" He proved correct in his prediction, and the Ghilzays never rose en masse again. The uprising also had another important consequence; after its suppression the amir drew closer to his own Durranay tribe—in particular, to the Mohammadzay section to which hc belonged. He pro•.ided annual allowances to its membcrs residing in Kabul whether female or male and treated the whole section as a partner of the state (shaHk-e-dawla0.
- o The Amir to Na'ib Kotwal of Kabul, RD, 7 Dec. 86, PSLI, 49, 149.
THE GREAT GHIIÆAY CPRISI.NG AND rrs SUPPRESSION 95
had once believed about the Andar he now believed about the entire tribe, stating that "when they [Andar] have no money left with them, [they] will not again raise disturbances."" He proved correct in his prediction, and the Ghilzays never rose en masse again. The uprising also had another important consequence; after its suppression the amir drew closer to his own Durranay tribe—in particular, to the Mohammadzay section to which hc belonged. He pro•.ided annual allowances to its membcrs residing in Kabul whether female or male and treated the whole section as a partner of the state (shaHk-e-dawla0.
- o The Amir to Na'ib Kotwal of Kabul, RD, 7 Dec. 86, PSLI, 49, 149.
ΤΗΕ REVOLT 0F SARDAR MOHAMMAD ιςι--Ι.ηρ ΚΗΑΝ
98
With its excellent cotton and wheat, Balkh was still a kingdom, though a dependency of the Achaemenian Persia, when Alexander the Great invaded it in 330 BCE. Its ruler, Bessus, and his successor, Spitamenes, waged "a nationalist war, with strong religious overtones", and "between them they gave Alexander more continuous trouble than all the embattled hosts of Darius."3 Afterward, in the Hellenistic Greco-Bactrian period, "Bactria occupied much of modcm Afghanistan", a country then known as "the land of a thousand cities" The Greek colonists of the post-Alexander period had contributed to this development by fraternizing with the native population so much that, according to Frank Holt, nineteenth century European scholars saw in Bactria the best of all ancient worlds. "4 It was for its grandeur that in the Islamic times Bactria was called urnm al-bilad (the mother of cities), as well as janat al-arz (the paradise of the earth), and khai7 at-turab (the best of soil).5 However, the city of Balkh was totally destroyed in the Chingizid onslaught of the thirteenth century as were all other cities of Afghanistan. During the second reign of Amir Dost Mohammad Khan, the governor of Turkestan, Sardar Mohammad Afzal Khan, transported the debris of Balkh to Takhtapul. During the second reign of Amir Sher %Ali Kham the Shif governor of the region, Na'ib Mohammad 'Alam Khan, enlarged Mazar-e-Sharif (the noble mausoleum) at the expense of Balkh. Mazar was (and still is) assumed to be the site of the shrine Of 'Ali, the fourth caliph of Islam, and the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad.6 There also lie the graves of Ghazi Mohammad Akbar Khan and Amir Sher 'Ali Khan.
3 Green, P., Alexander Q/ Macedon, 338. Arrian, The Campaigns of Akxander, transl. by A. de Selincort, Penguin Books, 1958, 229—232. That the inhabitants Of Bactria were patriotic is evident from a statement by Zoroaster as, according to him, instructed by Ahura Mazda: have made ev•ery• land dear to its people, even though it had no charms whatever in it: had I not made every land dear to its people, even though it had no charms whatever in it, then the whole living world would have invaded the Airyana Vaego. The first of the good lands and countHes which l, Ahura Mazda, created was the Airyana Vaego." "Selections from the ZendAvesta", Transl. by Darrncstctter, Jamcs in The .%cred of East, the Colonial Press, New York, MDCCCXCIX, 67.
- Holt, Frank L, The numdaüg Zeus, The of Hellenistic Bactri, University of California press, 1999, 9—20.
- Leitncr, Dardistan, 10.
- McChesney, R. D., Ctnbäl *fid, FÖtå Htåidtd ruts b" a Muslim Shrine, 148—1889. Kakar, Gvtmment and Society of 141.
THE REVOLT OF SARDAR MOHAMMAD ISHAQ KHAN
By the 1830s, Balkh still functioned as a city, but afterward was completely replaced by Mazar as the political and commercial center of the region, and Turkestan comprised al] of the territories lying between the Oxus, the Hindu Kush, the Pamir steppe and Herat.' However, under Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan 1851) Turke:taninhabited by Uzbeks, Arabs, Hazaras, Tajiks, Pashtuns and others with its capital at Mazar, comprised only the plains south of the Oxus between Andkhoy and Badakhshan.
Estrangement Of Sardar Mohammad Ishaq khan
As early as 1881, Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan asked the amir to recognize him as the exclusive owner of Turkestan." Unwiling to provoke the sardar, the amir promised him that he would do so "When all our anxieties and troubles [are over] the "anxieties" he spoke of were caused by the presence of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan in Herat. However, the demand strained relations between the amir and the sardar. When Kandahar and Herat fell in late 1881, and Ayyub Khan was expelled, Ishaq Khan asked the amir to appoint his younger brothers as governors there. The amir refused to do so and instead trusted the sardar with vast power and the authority to keep the revenue of the province to himself. Further, the amir even sent him money from Kabul to consolidate his positiOn in this important frontier province.
Consequently, Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan had de facto independence in Turkestan, although, like all gQvernors, he also sent valuable presents, especially horses, to the amir from time to time. The presentation of gifts by provincial governors to the Kabul ruler was a custom of the land, as was the reading of Friday sermon (khutba) in his name. In Kabul, the amir kept the sardar's three younger brothers apparently as his 'guests', but they were actually hostages.
In 1884, the fall of Maymana proved crucial in the relationship betwccn the amir and Ishaq Khan. Because the latter had undertaken an expedition against Maymana. and because the district had
Wheeler, J. T., Monorandum on Ughan-Turhstan, Calcutta, 1869, Gazet&c Ughaniftan, part 2, Afghan Turkistan, Calcutta, 1912, i—xii. 8
Reports are unanimous concerning the popularity of the sardar with the people under his jurisdiction. In fact, even in 1880, the people themselves had chosen the sardar as their governor after he crossed the border from Samarqand where he, •like the amir, had been in exile. More importantly, the sardar's administration was mdd in sharp contrast to that of the amir which was rigid. The contrast between the two men was apparent even more in their characters; the sardar was gentle and pious whereas the amir was stern and rigid.
Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan's adherence to the Naqshbandiyya mystic order of Islam had drawn him closer to the Uzbeks who observed Islam in its 'Cminute detail",9 and to the Turkmen in particuhr, among whom the order was V4hdespread; 10 he had first adhered to the order while he was living in exile in Samarqand. He was also popular with his army which he paid regularly." Because Turkestan was a frontier province, and because it was under the apparent threat of Russia the amir had allowed the sardar to raise a large army, and, in addition, from to time sent him money from Kabul to meet the expenditure. 12 Thus, the sardar had not been obliged to exact money from the people and make himself unpopular with them.
For the reasons cited, relations between the amir and Ishaq Khan were far from cordial. The amir's efforts at affecting conciliation with the sardar through some influential dynastic members faded to bear fruit. While the amir maintained the facade of good relationship, he tried to remove the sardar from Turkestan. Several times he invited him to come to Kabul. The summons was not unusual, and in line with the amir's policy of removing governors in disgrace before they became wealthy and influential, and then giving their posts to nonMohammadzay sardars, or head servants of the royal court. Govemors from influential families, including those from among the Moham-
Reports are unanimous concerning the popularity of the sardar with the people under his jurisdiction. In fact, even in 1880, the people themselves had chosen the sardar as their governor after he crossed the border from Samarqand where he, •like the amir, had been in exile. More importantly, the sardar's administration was mdd in sharp contrast to that of the amir which was rigid. The contrast between the two men was apparent even more in their characters; the sardar was gentle and pious whereas the amir was stern and rigid.
Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan's adherence to the Naqshbandiyya mystic order of Islam had drawn him closer to the Uzbeks who observed Islam in its 'Cminute detail",9 and to the Turkmen in particuhr, among whom the order was V4hdespread; 10 he had first adhered to the order while he was living in exile in Samarqand. He was also popular with his army which he paid regularly." Because Turkestan was a frontier province, and because it was under the apparent threat of Russia the amir had allowed the sardar to raise a large army, and, in addition, from to time sent him money from Kabul to meet the expenditure. 12 Thus, the sardar had not been obliged to exact money from the people and make himself unpopular with them.
For the reasons cited, relations between the amir and Ishaq Khan were far from cordial. The amir's efforts at affecting conciliation with the sardar through some influential dynastic members faded to bear fruit. While the amir maintained the facade of good relationship, he tried to remove the sardar from Turkestan. Several times he invited him to come to Kabul. The summons was not unusual, and in line with the amir's policy of removing governors in disgrace before they became wealthy and influential, and then giving their posts to nonMohammadzay sardars, or head servants of the royal court. Govemors from influential families, including those from among the Moham-
Reports are unanimous concerning the popularity of the sardar with the people under his jurisdiction. In fact, even in 1880, the people themselves had chosen the sardar as their governor after he crossed the border from Samarqand where he, •like the amir, had been in exile. More importantly, the sardar's administration was mdd in sharp contrast to that of the amir which was rigid. The contrast between the two men was apparent even more in their characters; the sardar was gentle and pious whereas the amir was stern and rigid.
Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan's adherence to the Naqshbandiyya mystic order of Islam had drawn him closer to the Uzbeks who observed Islam in its 'Cminute detail",9 and to the Turkmen in particuhr, among whom the order was V4hdespread; 10 he had first adhered to the order while he was living in exile in Samarqand. He was also popular with his army which he paid regularly." Because Turkestan was a frontier province, and because it was under the apparent threat of Russia the amir had allowed the sardar to raise a large army, and, in addition, from to time sent him money from Kabul to meet the expenditure. 12 Thus, the sardar had not been obliged to exact money from the people and make himself unpopular with them.
For the reasons cited, relations between the amir and Ishaq Khan were far from cordial. The amir's efforts at affecting conciliation with the sardar through some influential dynastic members faded to bear fruit. While the amir maintained the facade of good relationship, he tried to remove the sardar from Turkestan. Several times he invited him to come to Kabul. The summons was not unusual, and in line with the amir's policy of removing governors in disgrace before they became wealthy and influential, and then giving their posts to nonMohammadzay sardars, or head servants of the royal court. Govemors from influential families, including those from among the Moham-
Reports are unanimous concerning the popularity of the sardar with the people under his jurisdiction. In fact, even in 1880, the people themselves had chosen the sardar as their governor after he crossed the border from Samarqand where he, •like the amir, had been in exile. More importantly, the sardar's administration was mdd in sharp contrast to that of the amir which was rigid. The contrast between the two men was apparent even more in their characters; the sardar was gentle and pious whereas the amir was stern and rigid.
Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan's adherence to the Naqshbandiyya mystic order of Islam had drawn him closer to the Uzbeks who observed Islam in its 'Cminute detail",9 and to the Turkmen in particuhr, among whom the order was V4hdespread; 10 he had first adhered to the order while he was living in exile in Samarqand. He was also popular with his army which he paid regularly." Because Turkestan was a frontier province, and because it was under the apparent threat of Russia the amir had allowed the sardar to raise a large army, and, in addition, from to time sent him money from Kabul to meet the expenditure. 12 Thus, the sardar had not been obliged to exact money from the people and make himself unpopular with them.
For the reasons cited, relations between the amir and Ishaq Khan were far from cordial. The amir's efforts at affecting conciliation with the sardar through some influential dynastic members faded to bear fruit. While the amir maintained the facade of good relationship, he tried to remove the sardar from Turkestan. Several times he invited him to come to Kabul. The summons was not unusual, and in line with the amir's policy of removing governors in disgrace before they became wealthy and influential, and then giving their posts to nonMohammadzay sardars, or head servants of the royal court. Govemors from influential families, including those from among the Moham-
Reports are unanimous concerning the popularity of the sardar with the people under his jurisdiction. In fact, even in 1880, the people themselves had chosen the sardar as their governor after he crossed the border from Samarqand where he, •like the amir, had been in exile. More importantly, the sardar's administration was mdd in sharp contrast to that of the amir which was rigid. The contrast between the two men was apparent even more in their characters; the sardar was gentle and pious whereas the amir was stern and rigid.
Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan's adherence to the Naqshbandiyya mystic order of Islam had drawn him closer to the Uzbeks who observed Islam in its 'Cminute detail",9 and to the Turkmen in particuhr, among whom the order was V4hdespread; 10 he had first adhered to the order while he was living in exile in Samarqand. He was also popular with his army which he paid regularly." Because Turkestan was a frontier province, and because it was under the apparent threat of Russia the amir had allowed the sardar to raise a large army, and, in addition, from to time sent him money from Kabul to meet the expenditure. 12 Thus, the sardar had not been obliged to exact money from the people and make himself unpopular with them.
For the reasons cited, relations between the amir and Ishaq Khan were far from cordial. The amir's efforts at affecting conciliation with the sardar through some influential dynastic members faded to bear fruit. While the amir maintained the facade of good relationship, he tried to remove the sardar from Turkestan. Several times he invited him to come to Kabul. The summons was not unusual, and in line with the amir's policy of removing governors in disgrace before they became wealthy and influential, and then giving their posts to nonMohammadzay sardars, or head servants of the royal court. Govemors from influential families, including those from among the Moham-
and under respond himself
1884, when drew still closer to the people. and became popular, whereas the amir was not. The latter's oppressive rule, which was evident from the desertion of the army and the acceptance of the rebel sardar's claim by the people of Turkestan and Badakhshan helped him in his bid for the amirate of the whole land. Had he shown courage and resoluteness in the critical hour of military confrontation he might have unseated the amir, and changed the course of Afghan history. However, during the fateful hour of the battle, he revealed cowardice and a lack of sound judgment. He fled precipitously, and his flight left the people of Turkestan and Badakhshan at the mercy of the amir who went to .Mazar the next year.
For about one year of his stay in Mazar, the amir took very stern measures against all those who had supported the rebel sardar. Meanwhile, he stepped up anti-Russian rhetoric and arranged for the fortification of military posts along the border, especially in Dehdadi. More important in the long run, the amir encouraged Pashtun and other ethnic groups from the densely populated regions south of the Hindu Kush to settle in the sparsely populated regions north of the Hindu Kush, and to cultivate the plots of state land which the government granted them on favorable terms. 39 This land grant continued to be issued until recently as part of the population relocation policy. In particular in the 1930s, Sher Khan Kharotay and Mohammad Gul Khan Nlohmand became, as the nationdly— known governors of Kunduz and Mazar respectively, overzealous in implementing the policy. As a consequence, from demographic perspective, northem Afghanistan became largely mixed and transformed from a dependency into an integral part of the country.
THE
and under respond himself
1884, when drew still closer to the people. and became popular, whereas the amir was not. The latter's oppressive rule, which was evident from the desertion of the army and the acceptance of the rebel sardar's claim by the people of Turkestan and Badakhshan helped him in his bid for the amirate of the whole land. Had he shown courage and resoluteness in the critical hour of military confrontation he might have unseated the amir, and changed the course of Afghan history. However, during the fateful hour of the battle, he revealed cowardice and a lack of sound judgment. He fled precipitously, and his flight left the people of Turkestan and Badakhshan at the mercy of the amir who went to .Mazar the next year.
For about one year of his stay in Mazar, the amir took very stern measures against all those who had supported the rebel sardar. Meanwhile, he stepped up anti-Russian rhetoric and arranged for the fortification of military posts along the border, especially in Dehdadi. More important in the long run, the amir encouraged Pashtun and other ethnic groups from the densely populated regions south of the Hindu Kush to settle in the sparsely populated regions north of the Hindu Kush, and to cultivate the plots of state land which the government granted them on favorable terms. 39 This land grant continued to be issued until recently as part of the population relocation policy. In particular in the 1930s, Sher Khan Kharotay and Mohammad Gul Khan Nlohmand became, as the nationdly— known governors of Kunduz and Mazar respectively, overzealous in implementing the policy. As a consequence, from demographic perspective, northem Afghanistan became largely mixed and transformed from a dependency into an integral part of the country.
and under respond himself
1884, when drew still closer to the people. and became popular, whereas the amir was not. The latter's oppressive rule, which was evident from the desertion of the army and the acceptance of the rebel sardar's claim by the people of Turkestan and Badakhshan helped him in his bid for the amirate of the whole land. Had he shown courage and resoluteness in the critical hour of military confrontation he might have unseated the amir, and changed the course of Afghan history. However, during the fateful hour of the battle, he revealed cowardice and a lack of sound judgment. He fled precipitously, and his flight left the people of Turkestan and Badakhshan at the mercy of the amir who went to .Mazar the next year.
For about one year of his stay in Mazar, the amir took very stern measures against all those who had supported the rebel sardar. Meanwhile, he stepped up anti-Russian rhetoric and arranged for the fortification of military posts along the border, especially in Dehdadi. More important in the long run, the amir encouraged Pashtun and other ethnic groups from the densely populated regions south of the Hindu Kush to settle in the sparsely populated regions north of the Hindu Kush, and to cultivate the plots of state land which the government granted them on favorable terms. 39 This land grant continued to be issued until recently as part of the population relocation policy. In particular in the 1930s, Sher Khan Kharotay and Mohammad Gul Khan Nlohmand became, as the nationdly— known governors of Kunduz and Mazar respectively, overzealous in implementing the policy. As a consequence, from demographic perspective, northem Afghanistan became largely mixed and transformed from a dependency into an integral part of the country.
108 CHAPTER SEVEN
the wali asked the Russian offcials in Merv to occupy Mayrnana, 12 but they were unable to do so because of thc intervening of the Sabr and Sarik Turkmen of Panjdeh, who were still independent. However, the Russians were reported to have given the wali arms, and in return. the wali hoisted their flag in Mayrnana. 13
Meanwhile, the zeaå tried to fortify his position. He was reported to have bought five hundred breach-loading rifles from the Turkmen.
He also asked the Sarik Turkmen of Panjdeh to join him against the Afghans, and as a token of his good will toward them, he reduced tolls on their merchandise destined for Maymana. 15 Next, the wali also asked Fath Allah Khan, head of the Firozkohi tribe of Herat, to come and settle %ith his tribesmen in Maymana, since the latter was also on bad terms with the amir; however this request was futile. 16 At the same time, the walt engaged in correspondence with Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, and then announced that the sardar was coming to Maymana. il
The wali's exaction of money from his subjects for the fortification of his defenses caused unrest. 18 About three hundred families from Khairabad emigrated to Andkhoy19 and the Turkmen cultivators of Qara-e-Wali, a dependency of Maymana near Murghab, informed the government's offcial in Herat that they were ready to submit. 20 The wali had become so unpopular that it was generally believed that if the amir encouraged the inhabitants of May-mana they would abandon him. 21
The early pacification of Maymana was not a compelling necessity for the amir. He only instructed Mir Hussayn Khan, the former wali of Maymana, to replace the incumbent wali, but he failed to do so.22 Meanwhile, the amir instructed Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan, the governor of Turkestan, in Mazar, to keep the wali under
Shahzadah of Khoqand to Commissioner of Peshawar, PD, 23 Sept. 84, PSLI, 42, 123.
HD, 12 Apr. 84, PSLI, 40, 1315.
col. Waterfield, 22 Apr. 82, PSLI, 32, 525.
HD, 14 sept. 82, PSI-I, 34, 385. HD, 12 Dec. 82, psu, 35, 386. l ' HD, 6 May 82, PSLI, 32, 867. HD, 25 Jan. 83, PSLI, 35, 832.
HD, 6 June 83, psu, 37, 299.
HD, 21 June 83, PSLI, 37, 1066. 21 Kand D., 3 Oct. 93, PSI-I, 38, 413. 2' BACA, 100.
Herat and Mazar against Maymana, leading to its fall. In the words of Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan,
When the people of the city [Of Maymana] saw Your Highness's troops . they were surprised and struck with terror, and came out until their number reached 2,000. Mir Delawar . . . finding himself unable to effect his escape, came over to my camp.2
Mir Hussayn Khan, the former wali of Maymana was appointed as its wali independent of Herat and Mazar, but his power was restricted by a contingent of government troops that were stationed in the district. With the incorporation of Maymana in 1884, the reunification of Afghanistan became complete. However, in 1892, when the Hazara war was in progress, the unli of Maymana, who was a son of the former Wali Mir Hussayn Khan, revolted. The revolt was speedily put down, and thereafter government offcials administered Maynana.
Shighnan and Roshan
The mountainous districts of Shighnan and Roshan in northeastern Afghanistan formed one principality as part of the prmince of Badakhshan with Fayzabad as its capital city. Badakhshan was the first province • over which the amir had extended his authority in January 1880, as previously noted. Shighnan and Roshan as well as the districts of Darwaz and Wakhan lie on both sides Of Panja, referred to erroneously the Upper Oxus in English-language ources. The greater part of Shighnan lies on the right side of the river as far as the Ak-su or the Murghab River. TIns means that the prmince of Badakhshan extends as far as Murghab. The Panja River is narHerat and Mazar against Maymana, leading to its fall. In the words of Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan,
When the people of the city [Of Maymana] saw Your Highness's troops . they were surprised and struck with terror, and came out until their number reached 2,000. Mir Delawar . . . finding himself unable to effect his escape, came over to my camp.2
Mir Hussayn Khan, the former wali of Maymana was appointed as its wali independent of Herat and Mazar, but his power was restricted by a contingent of government troops that were stationed in the district. With the incorporation of Maymana in 1884, the reunification of Afghanistan became complete. However, in 1892, when the Hazara war was in progress, the unli of Maymana, who was a son of the former Wali Mir Hussayn Khan, revolted. The revolt was speedily put down, and thereafter government offcials administered Maynana.
Shighnan and Roshan
The mountainous districts of Shighnan and Roshan in northeastern Afghanistan formed one principality as part of the prmince of Badakhshan with Fayzabad as its capital city. Badakhshan was the first province • over which the amir had extended his authority in January 1880, as previously noted. Shighnan and Roshan as well as the districts of Darwaz and Wakhan lie on both sides Of Panja, referred to erroneously the Upper Oxus in English-language ources. The greater part of Shighnan lies on the right side of the river as far as the Ak-su or the Murghab River. TIns means that the prmince of Badakhshan extends as far as Murghab. The Panja River is narHerat and Mazar against Maymana, leading to its fall. In the words of Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan,
When the people of the city [Of Maymana] saw Your Highness's troops . they were surprised and struck with terror, and came out until their number reached 2,000. Mir Delawar . . . finding himself unable to effect his escape, came over to my camp.2
Mir Hussayn Khan, the former wali of Maymana was appointed as its wali independent of Herat and Mazar, but his power was restricted by a contingent of government troops that were stationed in the district. With the incorporation of Maymana in 1884, the reunification of Afghanistan became complete. However, in 1892, when the Hazara war was in progress, the unli of Maymana, who was a son of the former Wali Mir Hussayn Khan, revolted. The revolt was speedily put down, and thereafter government offcials administered Maynana.
Shighnan and Roshan
The mountainous districts of Shighnan and Roshan in northeastern Afghanistan formed one principality as part of the prmince of Badakhshan with Fayzabad as its capital city. Badakhshan was the first province • over which the amir had extended his authority in January 1880, as previously noted. Shighnan and Roshan as well as the districts of Darwaz and Wakhan lie on both sides Of Panja, referred to erroneously the Upper Oxus in English-language ources. The greater part of Shighnan lies on the right side of the river as far as the Ak-su or the Murghab River. TIns means that the prmince of Badakhshan extends as far as Murghab. The Panja River is narHerat and Mazar against Maymana, leading to its fall. In the words of Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan,
When the people of the city [Of Maymana] saw Your Highness's troops . they were surprised and struck with terror, and came out until their number reached 2,000. Mir Delawar . . . finding himself unable to effect his escape, came over to my camp.2
Mir Hussayn Khan, the former wali of Maymana was appointed as its wali independent of Herat and Mazar, but his power was restricted by a contingent of government troops that were stationed in the district. With the incorporation of Maymana in 1884, the reunification of Afghanistan became complete. However, in 1892, when the Hazara war was in progress, the unli of Maymana, who was a son of the former Wali Mir Hussayn Khan, revolted. The revolt was speedily put down, and thereafter government offcials administered Maynana.
Shighnan and Roshan
The mountainous districts of Shighnan and Roshan in northeastern Afghanistan formed one principality as part of the prmince of Badakhshan with Fayzabad as its capital city. Badakhshan was the first province • over which the amir had extended his authority in January 1880, as previously noted. Shighnan and Roshan as well as the districts of Darwaz and Wakhan lie on both sides Of Panja, referred to erroneously the Upper Oxus in English-language ources. The greater part of Shighnan lies on the right side of the river as far as the Ak-su or the Murghab River. TIns means that the prmince of Badakhshan extends as far as Murghab. The Panja River is narHerat and Mazar against Maymana, leading to its fall. In the words of Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan,
When the people of the city [Of Maymana] saw Your Highness's troops . they were surprised and struck with terror, and came out until their number reached 2,000. Mir Delawar . . . finding himself unable to effect his escape, came over to my camp.2
Mir Hussayn Khan, the former wali of Maymana was appointed as its wali independent of Herat and Mazar, but his power was restricted by a contingent of government troops that were stationed in the district. With the incorporation of Maymana in 1884, the reunification of Afghanistan became complete. However, in 1892, when the Hazara war was in progress, the unli of Maymana, who was a son of the former Wali Mir Hussayn Khan, revolted. The revolt was speedily put down, and thereafter government offcials administered Maynana.
Shighnan and Roshan
The mountainous districts of Shighnan and Roshan in northeastern Afghanistan formed one principality as part of the prmince of Badakhshan with Fayzabad as its capital city. Badakhshan was the first province • over which the amir had extended his authority in January 1880, as previously noted. Shighnan and Roshan as well as the districts of Darwaz and Wakhan lie on both sides Of Panja, referred to erroneously the Upper Oxus in English-language ources. The greater part of Shighnan lies on the right side of the river as far as the Ak-su or the Murghab River. TIns means that the prmince of Badakhshan extends as far as Murghab. The Panja River is narHerat and Mazar against Maymana, leading to its fall. In the words of Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan,
When the people of the city [Of Maymana] saw Your Highness's troops . they were surprised and struck with terror, and came out until their number reached 2,000. Mir Delawar . . . finding himself unable to effect his escape, came over to my camp.2
Mir Hussayn Khan, the former wali of Maymana was appointed as its wali independent of Herat and Mazar, but his power was restricted by a contingent of government troops that were stationed in the district. With the incorporation of Maymana in 1884, the reunification of Afghanistan became complete. However, in 1892, when the Hazara war was in progress, the unli of Maymana, who was a son of the former Wali Mir Hussayn Khan, revolted. The revolt was speedily put down, and thereafter government offcials administered Maynana.
Shighnan and Roshan
The mountainous districts of Shighnan and Roshan in northeastern Afghanistan formed one principality as part of the prmince of Badakhshan with Fayzabad as its capital city. Badakhshan was the first province • over which the amir had extended his authority in January 1880, as previously noted. Shighnan and Roshan as well as the districts of Darwaz and Wakhan lie on both sides Of Panja, referred to erroneously the Upper Oxus in English-language ources. The greater part of Shighnan lies on the right side of the river as far as the Ak-su or the Murghab River. TIns means that the prmince of Badakhshan extends as far as Murghab. The Panja River is narHerat and Mazar against Maymana, leading to its fall. In the words of Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan,
When the people of the city [Of Maymana] saw Your Highness's troops . they were surprised and struck with terror, and came out until their number reached 2,000. Mir Delawar . . . finding himself unable to effect his escape, came over to my camp.2
Mir Hussayn Khan, the former wali of Maymana was appointed as its wali independent of Herat and Mazar, but his power was restricted by a contingent of government troops that were stationed in the district. With the incorporation of Maymana in 1884, the reunification of Afghanistan became complete. However, in 1892, when the Hazara war was in progress, the unli of Maymana, who was a son of the former Wali Mir Hussayn Khan, revolted. The revolt was speedily put down, and thereafter government offcials administered Maynana.
Shighnan and Roshan
The mountainous districts of Shighnan and Roshan in northeastern Afghanistan formed one principality as part of the prmince of Badakhshan with Fayzabad as its capital city. Badakhshan was the first province • over which the amir had extended his authority in January 1880, as previously noted. Shighnan and Roshan as well as the districts of Darwaz and Wakhan lie on both sides Of Panja, referred to erroneously the Upper Oxus in English-language ources. The greater part of Shighnan lies on the right side of the river as far as the Ak-su or the Murghab River. TIns means that the prmince of Badakhshan extends as far as Murghab. The Panja River is nar-
year, another Russian contingent of two hundred troops under the command of Colonel Yannovsky entered Shighnan, but the Afghans repulsed them as they had already repulsed a Chinese contingent in Alichur, north of Somatash. *Meanwhile, the Russian government in its negotiations with Britain stressed that Kabul should evacuate transShighnan and Roshan. finally, in the same manner that it had acquiesced to Russia's demand on the Panjdeh in 1885, the British Government complied, and urged the amir to do the same. In return, the amir was to occupy the extreme eastern corridor, Wakhan, and a small part of Darwaz to the south of the Panja, which Bukhara was to surrender. The amir consented because, in July 1892, the viceroy had wamed him not to cause any trouble with an active policy on the Pamirs, a . warning that reached him, ironically, at the same time as news of the Afghan casualties in the collision at Somatash.% For eight years prior to the British request, the amir had been under pressure from the British Government of India about the delimitation of his eastern frontiers Chapter I O). In an agreement concluded between the amir and Foreign Secretary Mortimer Durand, in Kabul, on 12 November, 1893 it was decided that the amir
. hereby agrees that he will evacuate all the districts held by him to the north Of this portion Of the Oxus [from Lke Victoria or Sar-ikol on the east to the conjunction of the Kokcha with the Oxus] on the clear understanding that all the districts lying to the south of this position of the Oxus, and now not in his possession, be handed over to him.57
The Panja stream remained the boundary between the Russiancontrolled Bukhara and Afghanistan5R even though it s'. . . is almost unknown as a boundary, and is as artificial as a wire fence or a degree of latitude. "20
year, another Russian contingent of two hundred troops under the command of Colonel Yannovsky entered Shighnan, but the Afghans repulsed them as they had already repulsed a Chinese contingent in Alichur, north of Somatash. *Meanwhile, the Russian government in its negotiations with Britain stressed that Kabul should evacuate transShighnan and Roshan. finally, in the same manner that it had acquiesced to Russia's demand on the Panjdeh in 1885, the British Government complied, and urged the amir to do the same. In return, the amir was to occupy the extreme eastern corridor, Wakhan, and a small part of Darwaz to the south of the Panja, which Bukhara was to surrender. The amir consented because, in July 1892, the viceroy had wamed him not to cause any trouble with an active policy on the Pamirs, a . warning that reached him, ironically, at the same time as news of the Afghan casualties in the collision at Somatash.% For eight years prior to the British request, the amir had been under pressure from the British Government of India about the delimitation of his eastern frontiers Chapter I O). In an agreement concluded between the amir and Foreign Secretary Mortimer Durand, in Kabul, on 12 November, 1893 it was decided that the amir
. hereby agrees that he will evacuate all the districts held by him to the north Of this portion Of the Oxus [from Lke Victoria or Sar-ikol on the east to the conjunction of the Kokcha with the Oxus] on the clear understanding that all the districts lying to the south of this position of the Oxus, and now not in his possession, be handed over to him.57
The Panja stream remained the boundary between the Russiancontrolled Bukhara and Afghanistan5R even though it s'. . . is almost unknown as a boundary, and is as artificial as a wire fence or a degree of latitude. "20
year, another Russian contingent of two hundred troops under the command of Colonel Yannovsky entered Shighnan, but the Afghans repulsed them as they had already repulsed a Chinese contingent in Alichur, north of Somatash. *Meanwhile, the Russian government in its negotiations with Britain stressed that Kabul should evacuate transShighnan and Roshan. finally, in the same manner that it had acquiesced to Russia's demand on the Panjdeh in 1885, the British Government complied, and urged the amir to do the same. In return, the amir was to occupy the extreme eastern corridor, Wakhan, and a small part of Darwaz to the south of the Panja, which Bukhara was to surrender. The amir consented because, in July 1892, the viceroy had wamed him not to cause any trouble with an active policy on the Pamirs, a . warning that reached him, ironically, at the same time as news of the Afghan casualties in the collision at Somatash.% For eight years prior to the British request, the amir had been under pressure from the British Government of India about the delimitation of his eastern frontiers Chapter I O). In an agreement concluded between the amir and Foreign Secretary Mortimer Durand, in Kabul, on 12 November, 1893 it was decided that the amir
. hereby agrees that he will evacuate all the districts held by him to the north Of this portion Of the Oxus [from Lke Victoria or Sar-ikol on the east to the conjunction of the Kokcha with the Oxus] on the clear understanding that all the districts lying to the south of this position of the Oxus, and now not in his possession, be handed over to him.57
The Panja stream remained the boundary between the Russiancontrolled Bukhara and Afghanistan5R even though it s'. . . is almost unknown as a boundary, and is as artificial as a wire fence or a degree of latitude. "20
year, another Russian contingent of two hundred troops under the command of Colonel Yannovsky entered Shighnan, but the Afghans repulsed them as they had already repulsed a Chinese contingent in Alichur, north of Somatash. *Meanwhile, the Russian government in its negotiations with Britain stressed that Kabul should evacuate transShighnan and Roshan. finally, in the same manner that it had acquiesced to Russia's demand on the Panjdeh in 1885, the British Government complied, and urged the amir to do the same. In return, the amir was to occupy the extreme eastern corridor, Wakhan, and a small part of Darwaz to the south of the Panja, which Bukhara was to surrender. The amir consented because, in July 1892, the viceroy had wamed him not to cause any trouble with an active policy on the Pamirs, a . warning that reached him, ironically, at the same time as news of the Afghan casualties in the collision at Somatash.% For eight years prior to the British request, the amir had been under pressure from the British Government of India about the delimitation of his eastern frontiers Chapter I O). In an agreement concluded between the amir and Foreign Secretary Mortimer Durand, in Kabul, on 12 November, 1893 it was decided that the amir
. hereby agrees that he will evacuate all the districts held by him to the north Of this portion Of the Oxus [from Lke Victoria or Sar-ikol on the east to the conjunction of the Kokcha with the Oxus] on the clear understanding that all the districts lying to the south of this position of the Oxus, and now not in his possession, be handed over to him.57
The Panja stream remained the boundary between the Russiancontrolled Bukhara and Afghanistan5R even though it s'. . . is almost unknown as a boundary, and is as artificial as a wire fence or a degree of latitude. "20
Hazarajat, agreed to the stationing of government officials in their territory. Shortly afterward, government officials and troops were stationcd in parts of it, but they oppressed the local population so much that they rose in rebellion that lasted for three years (1891—93). Since the Hazara elders had supported the British in the Second AngloAfghan war, and since, as Shifi Muslims, they had been on bad terms with their Sunni neighbors, they were vulnerable, despite their highland terrain. This enabled the amir to dispatch a large number of troops and militias against them. Ultimately, the Hazaras were overcome; some Durranays and Ghilzays were settled in parts of their land, while their pastures were given to nomads.
The Hazaras live in most parts of the central highland, called the Hazarajat, l and at times also Hazaristan,2 or Barbaristan.3 It has litde arable land, six-month long vvinters and vast pastures. The Hazarajat was divided into 15 regions or districts (Olgas or each of which was ruled by one family, notably the Beg family of Dai Zangi (also called the toll sardaz, which owned the whole of Dai Zangi) and the Ibrahim Beg family of Dai Kundi. 5 The Hazara ruling elders, or mirs were so powerful that they ruled their respective communities as they pleased, without recourse to councils. They even sold the children of the Hazara commoners into slavery. Hazara women performed domestic chores and bore children as if they existed only to
Smaller groups of Hazaras settled in the provinces of Herat, Turkestan and
Hazarajat, agreed to the stationing of government officials in their territory. Shortly afterward, government officials and troops were stationcd in parts of it, but they oppressed the local population so much that they rose in rebellion that lasted for three years (1891—93). Since the Hazara elders had supported the British in the Second AngloAfghan war, and since, as Shifi Muslims, they had been on bad terms with their Sunni neighbors, they were vulnerable, despite their highland terrain. This enabled the amir to dispatch a large number of troops and militias against them. Ultimately, the Hazaras were overcome; some Durranays and Ghilzays were settled in parts of their land, while their pastures were given to nomads.
The Hazaras live in most parts of the central highland, called the Hazarajat, l and at times also Hazaristan,2 or Barbaristan.3 It has litde arable land, six-month long vvinters and vast pastures. The Hazarajat was divided into 15 regions or districts (Olgas or each of which was ruled by one family, notably the Beg family of Dai Zangi (also called the toll sardaz, which owned the whole of Dai Zangi) and the Ibrahim Beg family of Dai Kundi. 5 The Hazara ruling elders, or mirs were so powerful that they ruled their respective communities as they pleased, without recourse to councils. They even sold the children of the Hazara commoners into slavery. Hazara women performed domestic chores and bore children as if they existed only to
Smaller groups of Hazaras settled in the provinces of Herat, Turkestan and
Hazarajat, agreed to the stationing of government officials in their territory. Shortly afterward, government officials and troops were stationcd in parts of it, but they oppressed the local population so much that they rose in rebellion that lasted for three years (1891—93). Since the Hazara elders had supported the British in the Second AngloAfghan war, and since, as Shifi Muslims, they had been on bad terms with their Sunni neighbors, they were vulnerable, despite their highland terrain. This enabled the amir to dispatch a large number of troops and militias against them. Ultimately, the Hazaras were overcome; some Durranays and Ghilzays were settled in parts of their land, while their pastures were given to nomads.
The Hazaras live in most parts of the central highland, called the Hazarajat, l and at times also Hazaristan,2 or Barbaristan.3 It has litde arable land, six-month long vvinters and vast pastures. The Hazarajat was divided into 15 regions or districts (Olgas or each of which was ruled by one family, notably the Beg family of Dai Zangi (also called the toll sardaz, which owned the whole of Dai Zangi) and the Ibrahim Beg family of Dai Kundi. 5 The Hazara ruling elders, or mirs were so powerful that they ruled their respective communities as they pleased, without recourse to councils. They even sold the children of the Hazara commoners into slavery. Hazara women performed domestic chores and bore children as if they existed only to
Smaller groups of Hazaras settled in the provinces of Herat, Turkestan and
Hazarajat, agreed to the stationing of government officials in their territory. Shortly afterward, government officials and troops were stationcd in parts of it, but they oppressed the local population so much that they rose in rebellion that lasted for three years (1891—93). Since the Hazara elders had supported the British in the Second AngloAfghan war, and since, as Shifi Muslims, they had been on bad terms with their Sunni neighbors, they were vulnerable, despite their highland terrain. This enabled the amir to dispatch a large number of troops and militias against them. Ultimately, the Hazaras were overcome; some Durranays and Ghilzays were settled in parts of their land, while their pastures were given to nomads.
The Hazaras live in most parts of the central highland, called the Hazarajat, l and at times also Hazaristan,2 or Barbaristan.3 It has litde arable land, six-month long vvinters and vast pastures. The Hazarajat was divided into 15 regions or districts (Olgas or each of which was ruled by one family, notably the Beg family of Dai Zangi (also called the toll sardaz, which owned the whole of Dai Zangi) and the Ibrahim Beg family of Dai Kundi. 5 The Hazara ruling elders, or mirs were so powerful that they ruled their respective communities as they pleased, without recourse to councils. They even sold the children of the Hazara commoners into slavery. Hazara women performed domestic chores and bore children as if they existed only to
Smaller groups of Hazaras settled in the provinces of Herat, Turkestan and
Hazarajat, agreed to the stationing of government officials in their territory. Shortly afterward, government officials and troops were stationcd in parts of it, but they oppressed the local population so much that they rose in rebellion that lasted for three years (1891—93). Since the Hazara elders had supported the British in the Second AngloAfghan war, and since, as Shifi Muslims, they had been on bad terms with their Sunni neighbors, they were vulnerable, despite their highland terrain. This enabled the amir to dispatch a large number of troops and militias against them. Ultimately, the Hazaras were overcome; some Durranays and Ghilzays were settled in parts of their land, while their pastures were given to nomads.
The Hazaras live in most parts of the central highland, called the Hazarajat, l and at times also Hazaristan,2 or Barbaristan.3 It has litde arable land, six-month long vvinters and vast pastures. The Hazarajat was divided into 15 regions or districts (Olgas or each of which was ruled by one family, notably the Beg family of Dai Zangi (also called the toll sardaz, which owned the whole of Dai Zangi) and the Ibrahim Beg family of Dai Kundi. 5 The Hazara ruling elders, or mirs were so powerful that they ruled their respective communities as they pleased, without recourse to councils. They even sold the children of the Hazara commoners into slavery. Hazara women performed domestic chores and bore children as if they existed only to
Smaller groups of Hazaras settled in the provinces of Herat, Turkestan and
Hazarajat, agreed to the stationing of government officials in their territory. Shortly afterward, government officials and troops were stationcd in parts of it, but they oppressed the local population so much that they rose in rebellion that lasted for three years (1891—93). Since the Hazara elders had supported the British in the Second AngloAfghan war, and since, as Shifi Muslims, they had been on bad terms with their Sunni neighbors, they were vulnerable, despite their highland terrain. This enabled the amir to dispatch a large number of troops and militias against them. Ultimately, the Hazaras were overcome; some Durranays and Ghilzays were settled in parts of their land, while their pastures were given to nomads.
The Hazaras live in most parts of the central highland, called the Hazarajat, l and at times also Hazaristan,2 or Barbaristan.3 It has litde arable land, six-month long vvinters and vast pastures. The Hazarajat was divided into 15 regions or districts (Olgas or each of which was ruled by one family, notably the Beg family of Dai Zangi (also called the toll sardaz, which owned the whole of Dai Zangi) and the Ibrahim Beg family of Dai Kundi. 5 The Hazara ruling elders, or mirs were so powerful that they ruled their respective communities as they pleased, without recourse to councils. They even sold the children of the Hazara commoners into slavery. Hazara women performed domestic chores and bore children as if they existed only to
Smaller groups of Hazaras settled in the provinces of Herat, Turkestan and
126
parucularly Kabul. In 1838. Alexander Burncs noted that "All the drudgery and in Kabul is done by some Hazaras, some Of whom arc slaves and sonic' free: in winter there are not less than ten thousand v•ho reside in the city. and gain a livelihood by clearing the roofk Of snow and acting as porters. " thc Hazara shared their neighbors was Islam. although even with regard to this they •.vcrc distinct from them. As previously noted, most Hazaras wcrc Shi'a.s, and only somc wcrc Sunnis, whereas their neighbors v.•ere all Sunnis. Consequently, the Hazaras were 's . . . oppressed by all their ncighboring nations, whom they served as hcwcrs of and drawers of The oppression began with the decline Of the -'Mongol power, a situation Ihat enabled their neighbors to expel them from their pasture encampments and besiege them in their present highland, just as they had besieged the Kafirs in Kfflristan. Their neighbors even viewed them as 'infidels' (kgårs) and thereby justified their sale, 26 although the sale of Muslims was forbidden in Islam.
Down to the reign of Amir Sher (Ali Khan, the Uzbeks and Turkmens enslaved and sold the Hazaras in Turkestan as well as Central Asia. Although the Hazaras of Dai Kundi and Dai Zangi and the Shaykh %Ali Hazaras, sent slaves as tributes to Mir Murad 'Ali, ruler of Qunduz, when they were subject to his rule27 the Uzbeks and Turkmens still sent raiding parties into the Hazarajat until they were checked by the government during the reign of Amir Sher %'Mi Khan, and by the development of local fortifications in northern Hazarajat.28 Of the Char Aimaq who were 'Sat hereditary enmity with the Hazaras"29 the hrozkohis enslaved them, sold them in Bukhara 30 The Jamshedis enslaved the Hazaras even though on a smaller scale up to the last year of the nineteenth century, after which time they were unable to do so because of the pressure applied by the government. The Russian authorities also checked the sale of the Hazaras in Panjdeh.
Burnes. Cabool, 231.
25 Ibid.
Favz Mohammad, Sirgi al-Tawahkh, 543.
Wood, The Sources of the Oxus, 128—129.
Canfield, R., Faction and Conyrsion in a Plural Society, Alignments in the Hindu Kush, Ann Arbor, 1973, 93.
29 Harlan, J Centml Asia, Personal Of General Harlan, 1823—1841, edited by Ross, F. E., London, 1939, 152. HD, I Feb. 94, PSI-I. 73, 1228.
126
parucularly Kabul. In 1838. Alexander Burncs noted that "All the drudgery and in Kabul is done by some Hazaras, some Of whom arc slaves and sonic' free: in winter there are not less than ten thousand v•ho reside in the city. and gain a livelihood by clearing the roofk Of snow and acting as porters. " thc Hazara shared their neighbors was Islam. although even with regard to this they •.vcrc distinct from them. As previously noted, most Hazaras wcrc Shi'a.s, and only somc wcrc Sunnis, whereas their neighbors v.•ere all Sunnis. Consequently, the Hazaras were 's . . . oppressed by all their ncighboring nations, whom they served as hcwcrs of and drawers of The oppression began with the decline Of the -'Mongol power, a situation Ihat enabled their neighbors to expel them from their pasture encampments and besiege them in their present highland, just as they had besieged the Kafirs in Kfflristan. Their neighbors even viewed them as 'infidels' (kgårs) and thereby justified their sale, 26 although the sale of Muslims was forbidden in Islam.
Down to the reign of Amir Sher (Ali Khan, the Uzbeks and Turkmens enslaved and sold the Hazaras in Turkestan as well as Central Asia. Although the Hazaras of Dai Kundi and Dai Zangi and the Shaykh %Ali Hazaras, sent slaves as tributes to Mir Murad 'Ali, ruler of Qunduz, when they were subject to his rule27 the Uzbeks and Turkmens still sent raiding parties into the Hazarajat until they were checked by the government during the reign of Amir Sher %'Mi Khan, and by the development of local fortifications in northern Hazarajat.28 Of the Char Aimaq who were 'Sat hereditary enmity with the Hazaras"29 the hrozkohis enslaved them, sold them in Bukhara 30 The Jamshedis enslaved the Hazaras even though on a smaller scale up to the last year of the nineteenth century, after which time they were unable to do so because of the pressure applied by the government. The Russian authorities also checked the sale of the Hazaras in Panjdeh.
Burnes. Cabool, 231.
25 Ibid.
Favz Mohammad, Sirgi al-Tawahkh, 543.
Wood, The Sources of the Oxus, 128—129.
Canfield, R., Faction and Conyrsion in a Plural Society, Alignments in the Hindu Kush, Ann Arbor, 1973, 93.
29 Harlan, J Centml Asia, Personal Of General Harlan, 1823—1841, edited by Ross, F. E., London, 1939, 152. HD, I Feb. 94, PSI-I. 73, 1228.
128 ( :HAPTF.R EIGHT
Another serious offcnsc committed bv the Hazara was their sacking of Ghazni at thc instigation of thc British oflicials during the Second Anglo-Afghan war. when the Sunni inhabitants v,erc fighting the British army in Kabul. 4" In particular, the Hazaras of Jaghuri and of other areas cooperated \Vith Gcncral Donald Stewart against the Ghilzavs ',vhen hc was on his wav from Kandahar to Kabul in April 1880. At Allmad Khel. south of Ghazni, over fourteen tl)ousand Ghilzays and others attacked and nearly routed the British army of over four thousand men, but at the end of the conflict they lost over one thousand men to the superior weapons and thc good discipline Of the British." Aftcr the Ghilzays had fled, the Hazaras looted their houses and insulted their women.
The Historical Background
In the early sixteenth century, when he ruled Kabul, Mohammad Zahir al-Din Babur did not invade the Hazarajat even though he passed Bamiyan in the late fifteenth century. Thereafter, Bamiyan, though not considcrcd a part of thc Hazarajat, S8 but an important center linking the Oxus River, the Indus River and the Hazarajat, rcmancd morc or less open to expeditions, which were undertaken by his successors, notably Emperor Shah Jahan (1628—1658). \Vhilc the Emperor Shah Jahan's attempts at invading the Hazarajat did not succeed, 39 the Safavi emperor, Shah CAbbas I (158 7—1629) influenced the Hazaras by appointing an elder over them.40 It was probably during this period that the Shi'i faith of Islam began to replace the shamanism of the Hazaras, although exactly who persuaded the Hazaras to accept the new faith, and also when they
't' Fav7 Mohammad, Sirgi al-TawaHkh, 403.
.At Ahmed Khcl, on April 19, 1880, the Ghilzays wcrc compriSed of 1,000 horse and 13,000 foot soldiers against a diesion of thc British troops numbering 3,000 r:llcs. 350 lances, 700 sabers. and 22 guns. Trousdale in MacGregor, IVar in Afghanistan, 1 78n. The Ghilzays had no guns and were also poorly armed. See also Robson, B. The Road to Kabul, 77ie Second Afghan Jl'ar, Arms and Armour press, London New York, 1986, 194, 195.
Bacon, The Hazam Mongols af Ughanistan, 8. RiNazi, 'Ayn al-lfaqgpr, 248. '0 GÅK, (1895), 277.
128 ( :HAPTF.R EIGHT
Another serious offcnsc committed bv the Hazara was their sacking of Ghazni at thc instigation of thc British oflicials during the Second Anglo-Afghan war. when the Sunni inhabitants v,erc fighting the British army in Kabul. 4" In particular, the Hazaras of Jaghuri and of other areas cooperated \Vith Gcncral Donald Stewart against the Ghilzavs ',vhen hc was on his wav from Kandahar to Kabul in April 1880. At Allmad Khel. south of Ghazni, over fourteen tl)ousand Ghilzays and others attacked and nearly routed the British army of over four thousand men, but at the end of the conflict they lost over one thousand men to the superior weapons and thc good discipline Of the British." Aftcr the Ghilzays had fled, the Hazaras looted their houses and insulted their women.
The Historical Background
In the early sixteenth century, when he ruled Kabul, Mohammad Zahir al-Din Babur did not invade the Hazarajat even though he passed Bamiyan in the late fifteenth century. Thereafter, Bamiyan, though not considcrcd a part of thc Hazarajat, S8 but an important center linking the Oxus River, the Indus River and the Hazarajat, rcmancd morc or less open to expeditions, which were undertaken by his successors, notably Emperor Shah Jahan (1628—1658). \Vhilc the Emperor Shah Jahan's attempts at invading the Hazarajat did not succeed, 39 the Safavi emperor, Shah CAbbas I (158 7—1629) influenced the Hazaras by appointing an elder over them.40 It was probably during this period that the Shi'i faith of Islam began to replace the shamanism of the Hazaras, although exactly who persuaded the Hazaras to accept the new faith, and also when they
't' Fav7 Mohammad, Sirgi al-TawaHkh, 403.
.At Ahmed Khcl, on April 19, 1880, the Ghilzays wcrc compriSed of 1,000 horse and 13,000 foot soldiers against a diesion of thc British troops numbering 3,000 r:llcs. 350 lances, 700 sabers. and 22 guns. Trousdale in MacGregor, IVar in Afghanistan, 1 78n. The Ghilzays had no guns and were also poorly armed. See also Robson, B. The Road to Kabul, 77ie Second Afghan Jl'ar, Arms and Armour press, London New York, 1986, 194, 195.
Bacon, The Hazam Mongols af Ughanistan, 8. RiNazi, 'Ayn al-lfaqgpr, 248. '0 GÅK, (1895), 277.
1 30 CHAPI"F.R EIGHT
various other kinds of new taxes were imposed, and subgmernors thakms) appointed to rule over them. Only the mirs of the Dai Zangi and Dai Kundi Hazaras were allowed to administer their communities in return for the support they had given the amir against Sardar Nlohammad Ayyub Khan and Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan, For the same reason, the amir had promoted Mohammad 'Azim Khan, of the Se-Pai section of the Dai Kundi Hazaras, to the rank Of sardar and appointed him his head servant (Peshkhzdmat).[7]
The Submission Of the Hazaras
In 1890; the amir appointed Sardar CAbd al-Quddus Khan, the governor of Shiberghan, as governor of Bamiyan the authority to pacify the still-independent Hazaras in the Hazarajat proper. Meanwhile, the amir invited the mirs of 45 clans (tawdif) of Uruzgan, Malistan, Dahla, Zawli, Dai Chopan, and other areas to submit to the govemment.46 In the proclamations (fmans) which he sent them the amir did not offer them terms for submission. He only asked them to submit, because he believed that their further insistence on rebellion, in Gew of the closeness of the Christian powers, would be injurious to Afghanistan. [8] However, the Hazaras claimed that they were invited to submit on terms that included autonomy, and exemption from paying taxes for several years to come.48 Whatever the truth may have been, the Hazaras agreed to submit. In the spring of 1891 , Sardar CAbd al-Quddus Khan, accompanied by an army and tribal levies of ten thousand men, including the Hazaras of Dai Zangi, Dai Kundi and Behsud entered the independent Hazarajat. Sardar Mohammad 'Azim Khan Hazara and Mir Mohammad Ilkhan had led the Hazara levies, and the entry' of the army was smooth except for sporadic light resistance.
1 30 CHAPI"F.R EIGHT
various other kinds of new taxes were imposed, and subgmernors thakms) appointed to rule over them. Only the mirs of the Dai Zangi and Dai Kundi Hazaras were allowed to administer their communities in return for the support they had given the amir against Sardar Nlohammad Ayyub Khan and Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan, For the same reason, the amir had promoted Mohammad 'Azim Khan, of the Se-Pai section of the Dai Kundi Hazaras, to the rank Of sardar and appointed him his head servant (Peshkhzdmat).[9]
The Submission Of the Hazaras
In 1890; the amir appointed Sardar CAbd al-Quddus Khan, the governor of Shiberghan, as governor of Bamiyan the authority to pacify the still-independent Hazaras in the Hazarajat proper. Meanwhile, the amir invited the mirs of 45 clans (tawdif) of Uruzgan, Malistan, Dahla, Zawli, Dai Chopan, and other areas to submit to the govemment.46 In the proclamations (fmans) which he sent them the amir did not offer them terms for submission. He only asked them to submit, because he believed that their further insistence on rebellion, in Gew of the closeness of the Christian powers, would be injurious to Afghanistan. [10] However, the Hazaras claimed that they were invited to submit on terms that included autonomy, and exemption from paying taxes for several years to come.48 Whatever the truth may have been, the Hazaras agreed to submit. In the spring of 1891 , Sardar CAbd al-Quddus Khan, accompanied by an army and tribal levies of ten thousand men, including the Hazaras of Dai Zangi, Dai Kundi and Behsud entered the independent Hazarajat. Sardar Mohammad 'Azim Khan Hazara and Mir Mohammad Ilkhan had led the Hazara levies, and the entry' of the army was smooth except for sporadic light resistance.
132 CHAPTER EIGHT
opposed. but as the troops became oppressive, the Hazara commoncrs stood last behind their mirs and sayyeds.
In the ofhcial chronicle. Sirqj al-Tauurikh. there is no mention of whether thc Hazaras were made to pay taxes, but other sources indicatc that they undertook to pay one mpee per family The Hazaras wcrc also hard pressed for supplies. -'9 After having killcd a few soldiers. thc Palo subsection of the powerful Sultan Mohammad clan of thc Uruzgan Hazaras. under the Icadcrship of NIir Hussayn Beg, rebelled. Soon, other Hazaras joined them, killing and expelling the rest of the army scattered throughout the Hazarajat. Further, they declared a war and a jihad against the kingdom of Afghanistan. Sardar 'Abd al-Quddus Khan, •who had been stationed with his army of four thousand soldiers in Gizao fled to Qalat in the Ghilzay coun The Hazaras may have killed the rest, numbering, about six thousand soldiers and others.
The Mobilization of Public Opinion
The Hazara rebellion crystallized animosity between the Sunni and Shi ti population still further, and religious leaders on both sides incited their co-religionists. The Culema gave the amir the legal ruling (fatwa) to the effect that the Hazaras were '"infidel", rebel, and deserving of death.61 They preached this theme in their sermons and incited the soldiers, whom they accompanied to the battlefields. At this time, Amir 'Abd al-Rahman called himself the "amir of Islam "62 He tried to turn the war into a sectarian war by stating that the Hazaras were "infidels" and that thc army and tribal levy were free to act as they pleased with regard to them and their property aqer they conquered their land.63
The Hazara land was promised only to the Durranays and the
Ghilzays.64 The amir also declared that his object in conquering
al-waqayf, 249. RD, 22 Dec. 91, PSLI, 65, 103.
- M'vl, Dec. 91, PSLI, 65, 103.
- Riyazi, 'Ayn al-ll•'aqgpi', 250. Mir Hussayn Beg, Il Apr. 94, PSLI, 74, 548. Fay Mohammad, Sigi al-Tauurikh, 761.
f" Fayz Mohammad, Sirgj al-Tgzuarikh, 891. KD, 22—24 June 92, PSLI, 1511. Riyazi, 'Ayn al-Jl•'aqa$, 253.
- Fayz Mohammad, Sirq• al-Tawahkh, 543.
- Abd al-Rahman's Firman, Kand D, 28 May 92, PSLI, 66, 1259. 64 Fayz Mohammad, al-Tawarikh, 781.
Uruzgan was to secure "an impregnable natural position" for the
Durranays as the infidels on both sides now exposed them to attacks.ti% Despite all of this, hostility to the Hazaras was not universal. About twenty seven thousand *'Afghans" (of unknown tribal identity) living side by side with the Hazaras werc reported to haxe joined them against the amir. This population had been refractory for some time.
Near Kabul, the inhabitants Of Kohistan encouraged the rebel leaders in their stand against the amir. i'7 Thc mir of Maymana, who had revolted at the time, promised his support to the Hazaras.%8 For their part the Hazaras also declared a religious war,69 and elected Timus Shah, a descendant Of Imam Musa Raza, as their ruler (khalifa).70
In her, A Tale of the Hazam lVar, Lady Hamilton who lived in Kabul at the time notes that the Hazaras detested "the unholy alliance" that existed between the amir and the English. She quotes the Hazaras as having declared that "We will fight for one true God, and his true prophet, and for 'Ali against these Kafirs and the alies of Kafirs "71 This statement is true in the sense that the Hazaras cloaked the war in religion, but untrue with regard to the point that they wanted to fight the British also.
On the contrary, in Gew of their cooperation with the British during their invasion of Afghanistan, the Hazaras expected that they would help them against the amir,72 and so they asked them, although in vain, to assist them in their present struggle in return for their cooperation in future "in every way."73 Both sides resorted to religion for the justification of their bellicose stand. The amir and the 'ulema on one side, and the mirs, and the rnujtahids (ShiCi rulema) on the other, for reasons best known to them, invoked the names of God, the Prophet, 'Ali and Islam in inciting the Sunni and Shiti
65 MM, July 92, PSLI, 67, 275. KD, 21-24 May 92, PSLI, 66, 1103.
Riyazi, C.O•n al-Waqayff, 251.
- Fayz Mohammad, Sirgj al-Tawarikh, 821.
- , 781.
- KD, 10 May 92, PSLI, 66, 606.
- Hamilton, L, A Vi&'s Daughter, a Tale of the Hazam London, 1900, 31. Based on the experience of the author with the Hazara prisoners in Kabul, this is a historical novel. The author, who was sympathetic toward the prisoners, has Oamatized her account and so has made it unreliable as a source.
'2 Brown, Major J., to secretary to Government of India, Il Apr. 91, PSI-I, 74, 547.
MM, sept 92, PSLI, 68,
Uruzgan was to secure "an impregnable natural position" for the
Durranays as the infidels on both sides now exposed them to attacks.ti% Despite all of this, hostility to the Hazaras was not universal. About twenty seven thousand *'Afghans" (of unknown tribal identity) living side by side with the Hazaras werc reported to haxe joined them against the amir. This population had been refractory for some time.
Near Kabul, the inhabitants Of Kohistan encouraged the rebel leaders in their stand against the amir. i'7 Thc mir of Maymana, who had revolted at the time, promised his support to the Hazaras.%8 For their part the Hazaras also declared a religious war,69 and elected Timus Shah, a descendant Of Imam Musa Raza, as their ruler (khalifa).70
In her, A Tale of the Hazam lVar, Lady Hamilton who lived in Kabul at the time notes that the Hazaras detested "the unholy alliance" that existed between the amir and the English. She quotes the Hazaras as having declared that "We will fight for one true God, and his true prophet, and for 'Ali against these Kafirs and the alies of Kafirs "71 This statement is true in the sense that the Hazaras cloaked the war in religion, but untrue with regard to the point that they wanted to fight the British also.
On the contrary, in Gew of their cooperation with the British during their invasion of Afghanistan, the Hazaras expected that they would help them against the amir,72 and so they asked them, although in vain, to assist them in their present struggle in return for their cooperation in future "in every way."73 Both sides resorted to religion for the justification of their bellicose stand. The amir and the 'ulema on one side, and the mirs, and the rnujtahids (ShiCi rulema) on the other, for reasons best known to them, invoked the names of God, the Prophet, 'Ali and Islam in inciting the Sunni and Shiti
65 MM, July 92, PSLI, 67, 275. KD, 21-24 May 92, PSLI, 66, 1103.
Riyazi, C.O•n al-Waqayff, 251.
- Fayz Mohammad, Sirgj al-Tawarikh, 821.
- , 781.
- KD, 10 May 92, PSLI, 66, 606.
- Hamilton, L, A Vi&'s Daughter, a Tale of the Hazam London, 1900, 31. Based on the experience of the author with the Hazara prisoners in Kabul, this is a historical novel. The author, who was sympathetic toward the prisoners, has Oamatized her account and so has made it unreliable as a source.
'2 Brown, Major J., to secretary to Government of India, Il Apr. 91, PSI-I, 74, 547.
MM, sept 92, PSLI, 68,
'Azim Khan, elder of the Se-pai Dai Kundi, who was until then the amir's head servant.
E
l*he amir poured about one hundred thousand troops and tribal levies into the Hazarajat from all sides.b0 He had never previously been able to employ so many soldiers and militias against an cncmy. The army •was led by Sipah Salar Ghulam Haydar Orakzay, Sardar 'Abd al-Quddus, General Sher Ahmad and others. Many battles preceded the decisive ones that were fought in Daya, Folad, and Uruzgan. In Uruzgan the battle continued for five days,bl and fifty skirmishes took place before it was reoccupied.b2 In the winter, the troops evacuated the Hazarajat just short Of Uruzgan. During the next spring, the Hazaras of the northem Hazarajat were the first to rise. However, after their initial successes in April 1893, they were defeated by the tribal levies, and the army led by Sipah Salar Ghulam Haydar Orakzay and General Amir Mohammad. It appears that General Amir Mohammad won the last decisive battle on the bank of the Helmand River between Dai Kundi and Dai Zangi. The Hazaras were finally crushed in September 1893. 83
The Hazara Settlement
After the defeat of the Hazaras, the amir tried to break their power. As an ethnic group of the Shifi sect occupying the central highland, the Hazaras were a significant force, and the amir regarded them as a source of potential danger to the country.81 He considered their mirs and religipus elders in particular. to be the enemies of both the Hazara commoners and the Afghans. These "enemies" he orored to be separated from the rest of the Hazaras and settled elsewhere,85 and commissioned Na'ib Padshah Gul to round up the elders and send them on to Kabul. However, since the government offials
Amir •Abd al-Rahman to Durranys Of Kandahar, Kand D, 2 July 92, PSI—I, 66, 1721. According to Riyazi, ('Arn al-Waqqyff, 258) the number of regular troops was 20,000, of tribal levies 60,000: and of guns 40. His figures of 10,000 for the Hazara fighting men are incredibly low.
- Mir Hussayn Beg, Il Apr. 94, PSLI, 74, 548.
- Amir 'Abd al-Rahman in darbar, KD, 21—23 Sept. 92, PSI—I, 68, 105. MM, sept. 93, PSI-I, 72, 257. Mohammad, Siraj al-Tawa,ü, 898.
Sultan Mahomed, I-Ue Qf.4bdur Rahman, l, 276.
Fayz Mohammad, Sir• al-Tau.urih, 957, 1100.
'Azim Khan, elder of the Se-pai Dai Kundi, who was until then the amir's head servant.
E
l*he amir poured about one hundred thousand troops and tribal levies into the Hazarajat from all sides.b0 He had never previously been able to employ so many soldiers and militias against an cncmy. The army •was led by Sipah Salar Ghulam Haydar Orakzay, Sardar 'Abd al-Quddus, General Sher Ahmad and others. Many battles preceded the decisive ones that were fought in Daya, Folad, and Uruzgan. In Uruzgan the battle continued for five days,bl and fifty skirmishes took place before it was reoccupied.b2 In the winter, the troops evacuated the Hazarajat just short Of Uruzgan. During the next spring, the Hazaras of the northem Hazarajat were the first to rise. However, after their initial successes in April 1893, they were defeated by the tribal levies, and the army led by Sipah Salar Ghulam Haydar Orakzay and General Amir Mohammad. It appears that General Amir Mohammad won the last decisive battle on the bank of the Helmand River between Dai Kundi and Dai Zangi. The Hazaras were finally crushed in September 1893. 83
The Hazara Settlement
After the defeat of the Hazaras, the amir tried to break their power. As an ethnic group of the Shifi sect occupying the central highland, the Hazaras were a significant force, and the amir regarded them as a source of potential danger to the country.81 He considered their mirs and religipus elders in particular. to be the enemies of both the Hazara commoners and the Afghans. These "enemies" he orored to be separated from the rest of the Hazaras and settled elsewhere,85 and commissioned Na'ib Padshah Gul to round up the elders and send them on to Kabul. However, since the government offials
Amir •Abd al-Rahman to Durranys Of Kandahar, Kand D, 2 July 92, PSI—I, 66, 1721. According to Riyazi, ('Arn al-Waqqyff, 258) the number of regular troops was 20,000, of tribal levies 60,000: and of guns 40. His figures of 10,000 for the Hazara fighting men are incredibly low.
- Mir Hussayn Beg, Il Apr. 94, PSLI, 74, 548.
- Amir 'Abd al-Rahman in darbar, KD, 21—23 Sept. 92, PSI—I, 68, 105. MM, sept. 93, PSI-I, 72, 257. Mohammad, Siraj al-Tawa,ü, 898.
Sultan Mahomed, I-Ue Qf.4bdur Rahman, l, 276.
Fayz Mohammad, Sir• al-Tau.urih, 957, 1100.
suptheir the
and Ghilzays to settle in Uruzgan. He also announced that everyone Mishing to settle in the rest of thc Hazarajat would bc exempt from paying recenuc for the first year and allowed to pay it at a rate in the future. 102 At the same time, he also announced that money and seeds would be advanced on casy terms to Hazara culti\ators.
The govemment converted the pastures of the Hazarajat into state property and then sold them to the nomads (kuchays) who had helped it to transport supplies during the war. l (ß Until then the nomads had been unable to graze their cattle beyond Behsud, Nahur, and the Saydasta of the Jaghuri area; 104 with the blessing of government offlcials, they forced their way onto the pastures of Dai Zangi, Dai Kundi, Malistan, and other interior localities. 105 The lands of those who had fallen in the war and had left no inheritors were confiscated, as were the lands of the mirs of Dai Zangi and Dai Kundi. Since in the past, these mirs had taken over lands from the Hazara commoners, the latter now claimed their lands. The amir ruled that such lands were to be handed over to their original owners, and the mirs were to be left only with those lands, which they themselves cultivated. 106
The Qizilbashes, who were followers of the same Shi'i faith as the Hazaras, sympathized with them, incited them by saying that the British were going to bring an end to the Emirate, and that now was the time to assert Hazara independence against the Amir's fledgling government."107 The government then accused the Qizilbashes
Of the 20,000 families Of Bchsud only 6,400 families in total and onlv 60 families Of the Sultan Mohammad Clan sunived the war. Fayz Mohammad, Siraj al-Tawarikh, 854, 1031.
suptheir the
and Ghilzays to settle in Uruzgan. He also announced that everyone Mishing to settle in the rest of thc Hazarajat would bc exempt from paying recenuc for the first year and allowed to pay it at a rate in the future. 102 At the same time, he also announced that money and seeds would be advanced on casy terms to Hazara culti\ators.
The govemment converted the pastures of the Hazarajat into state property and then sold them to the nomads (kuchays) who had helped it to transport supplies during the war. l (ß Until then the nomads had been unable to graze their cattle beyond Behsud, Nahur, and the Saydasta of the Jaghuri area; 104 with the blessing of government offlcials, they forced their way onto the pastures of Dai Zangi, Dai Kundi, Malistan, and other interior localities. 105 The lands of those who had fallen in the war and had left no inheritors were confiscated, as were the lands of the mirs of Dai Zangi and Dai Kundi. Since in the past, these mirs had taken over lands from the Hazara commoners, the latter now claimed their lands. The amir ruled that such lands were to be handed over to their original owners, and the mirs were to be left only with those lands, which they themselves cultivated. 106
The Qizilbashes, who were followers of the same Shi'i faith as the Hazaras, sympathized with them, incited them by saying that the British were going to bring an end to the Emirate, and that now was the time to assert Hazara independence against the Amir's fledgling government."107 The government then accused the Qizilbashes
Of the 20,000 families Of Bchsud only 6,400 families in total and onlv 60 families Of the Sultan Mohammad Clan sunived the war. Fayz Mohammad, Siraj al-Tawarikh, 854, 1031.
137
suptheir the
and Ghilzays to settle in Uruzgan. He also announced that everyone Mishing to settle in the rest of thc Hazarajat would bc exempt from paying recenuc for the first year and allowed to pay it at a rate in the future. 102 At the same time, he also announced that money and seeds would be advanced on casy terms to Hazara culti\ators.
The govemment converted the pastures of the Hazarajat into state property and then sold them to the nomads (kuchays) who had helped it to transport supplies during the war. l (ß Until then the nomads had been unable to graze their cattle beyond Behsud, Nahur, and the Saydasta of the Jaghuri area; 104 with the blessing of government offlcials, they forced their way onto the pastures of Dai Zangi, Dai Kundi, Malistan, and other interior localities. 105 The lands of those who had fallen in the war and had left no inheritors were confiscated, as were the lands of the mirs of Dai Zangi and Dai Kundi. Since in the past, these mirs had taken over lands from the Hazara commoners, the latter now claimed their lands. The amir ruled that such lands were to be handed over to their original owners, and the mirs were to be left only with those lands, which they themselves cultivated. 106
The Qizilbashes, who were followers of the same Shi'i faith as the Hazaras, sympathized with them, incited them by saying that the British were going to bring an end to the Emirate, and that now was the time to assert Hazara independence against the Amir's fledgling government."107 The government then accused the Qizilbashes
Of the 20,000 families Of Bchsud only 6,400 families in total and onlv 60 families Of the Sultan Mohammad Clan sunived the war. Fayz Mohammad, Siraj al-Tawarikh, 854, 1031.
14+
but actually by a small group of greybeards, who at ordinary times rule in a morc or less absolute way."ll At any rate, Robertson focuses only on the common council (urn) which he calls "parliament" and which he attended. He states:
A Kafir parliament is a strange sight. . . . A dozen men, perhaps, try to speak at once: each has his little group of listeners. whose attention . he seeks to recall bv loud ejaculations of 'ai ai' or by litde pokes in the ribs with his walking club. If some very exciting topic is being discussed, perhaps all are talkers and none are listeners; but, as a rule, when one of the tribal orators begins to speak, he gets the attention of the greater part of the assembly. 12
Since the illiterate Kafirs could not record their decisions they often did not stick to them. Robertson notes:
. . . the discussion [decision] arrived at on one day is quite likely to be rescinded on the next, and reverted to on the third. But such occurrences are exceptional and only happen when people are laboring under strong excitement on some subject.
Further, Robertson states that "Generally the Jast, or its inner cruncil, manage every thing." He then refers to the political order of the Kafirs as "oligarchy, or, in some tribes, an autocracy. "l $ IVhile it is true that the Kafir political order was an oligarchy, it is also true to say that it was not an autocracy, smce membership in the council was only for one year, and the position of Jæst as head of the clan was not hereditary. NIorc importantly, in thc absencc of landed aristocracy as well as a cash economy to enable some one to retain militias even the powerful Jast were unable to rule autocratically, and had to rely on the good will of the tribesmen in conducting public affairs. Robertson orcn speaks of " . a public opinion which avenges any outrage on itself by promptly burning down the culprit's house and destroying his property." In his view public opinion is "a power not to be disregarded." N
Also, by the time a tribesman attained the status of Jast he had become financially worse off. This may explain why no one has evidently attempted to set up a monarchy. The reason for this is simple: the process of choosing the Jast was eraborate and very expensive.
Robertson, 234.
Robertson, 435
Robertson , 434, 435.
436
14+
but actually by a small group of greybeards, who at ordinary times rule in a morc or less absolute way."ll At any rate, Robertson focuses only on the common council (urn) which he calls "parliament" and which he attended. He states:
A Kafir parliament is a strange sight. . . . A dozen men, perhaps, try to speak at once: each has his little group of listeners. whose attention . he seeks to recall bv loud ejaculations of 'ai ai' or by litde pokes in the ribs with his walking club. If some very exciting topic is being discussed, perhaps all are talkers and none are listeners; but, as a rule, when one of the tribal orators begins to speak, he gets the attention of the greater part of the assembly. 12
Since the illiterate Kafirs could not record their decisions they often did not stick to them. Robertson notes:
. . . the discussion [decision] arrived at on one day is quite likely to be rescinded on the next, and reverted to on the third. But such occurrences are exceptional and only happen when people are laboring under strong excitement on some subject.
Further, Robertson states that "Generally the Jast, or its inner cruncil, manage every thing." He then refers to the political order of the Kafirs as "oligarchy, or, in some tribes, an autocracy. "l $ IVhile it is true that the Kafir political order was an oligarchy, it is also true to say that it was not an autocracy, smce membership in the council was only for one year, and the position of Jæst as head of the clan was not hereditary. NIorc importantly, in thc absencc of landed aristocracy as well as a cash economy to enable some one to retain militias even the powerful Jast were unable to rule autocratically, and had to rely on the good will of the tribesmen in conducting public affairs. Robertson orcn speaks of " . a public opinion which avenges any outrage on itself by promptly burning down the culprit's house and destroying his property." In his view public opinion is "a power not to be disregarded." N
Also, by the time a tribesman attained the status of Jast he had become financially worse off. This may explain why no one has evidently attempted to set up a monarchy. The reason for this is simple: the process of choosing the Jast was eraborate and very expensive.
Robertson, 234.
Robertson, 435
Robertson , 434, 435.
436
C.HAYIT.R
neither land nor cattle, maintaining themselves by laboring mainly as shepherds. The slaves (borjan) were divided into the Bari and the Shopcala, and were either artisans Or domestics. They were the propcrty Of families whose heads enjoycd wide power. The slaves were orignally prisoncrs of war, whom thc Kafirs had acquired in conflicts Mith their neighbors in past centuries. [11] Thc position of the artisan slavcs was much better because they owned property and the cornmunity needed their services as carpenters, tanners, weavers, goldsmiths, ironsmiths and the like. Slaves of both types were forbidden to shrines, and domestic slaves were even banned from going beyond certain limits in the house. Like the shudras or dasar of ancient India slaves were considered unclean. Of all the Kafir tribes the Kam and the Calsha had the highest number of slaves, and they were sold and bought in the town of Kamdesh.20
The Kafirs had some other customs as well that distinguished them markedly from their neighbors, Their women, being unveiled and therefore able to move freely, tilled the land. However, since Kafiristan was a mountainous country it had narrow valleys and only limited stretches of cultivable land. Tauza claims that women tilled the land so that men have ample time to defend the country against the ever—present danger to which they were exposed from their Muslim neighbors.21 Consequently, it was not uncommon for Kafir women to engage in sexual affairs both out of wedlock and extra-maritally. If discovered, the women were not severely punished and any resulting problems were settled by a council of elders, who ordered the male 'seducer' to give a few goats to the wronged husbands. Young unmarried women were especially indulgent, and their fathers accepted and raised their out of the wedlock children without grudges. It is even said that the Siyah-posh Kafirs were inclined to " resign their wives to those who reside under their roofs" out of hospitality to their guests. [12]
The Kafirs were polygamous to the extent that some of them married more than four wives. It was even considered a reproach to have only one wife—a sign of poverty and insignificance. 23 However
146 C.HAYIT.R
neither land nor cattle, maintaining themselves by laboring mainly as shepherds. The slaves (borjan) were divided into the Bari and the Shopcala, and were either artisans Or domestics. They were the propcrty Of families whose heads enjoycd wide power. The slaves were orignally prisoncrs of war, whom thc Kafirs had acquired in conflicts Mith their neighbors in past centuries. [13] Thc position of the artisan slavcs was much better because they owned property and the cornmunity needed their services as carpenters, tanners, weavers, goldsmiths, ironsmiths and the like. Slaves of both types were forbidden to shrines, and domestic slaves were even banned from going beyond certain limits in the house. Like the shudras or dasar of ancient India slaves were considered unclean. Of all the Kafir tribes the Kam and the Calsha had the highest number of slaves, and they were sold and bought in the town of Kamdesh.20
The Kafirs had some other customs as well that distinguished them markedly from their neighbors, Their women, being unveiled and therefore able to move freely, tilled the land. However, since Kafiristan was a mountainous country it had narrow valleys and only limited stretches of cultivable land. Tauza claims that women tilled the land so that men have ample time to defend the country against the ever—present danger to which they were exposed from their Muslim neighbors.21 Consequently, it was not uncommon for Kafir women to engage in sexual affairs both out of wedlock and extra-maritally. If discovered, the women were not severely punished and any resulting problems were settled by a council of elders, who ordered the male 'seducer' to give a few goats to the wronged husbands. Young unmarried women were especially indulgent, and their fathers accepted and raised their out of the wedlock children without grudges. It is even said that the Siyah-posh Kafirs were inclined to " resign their wives to those who reside under their roofs" out of hospitality to their guests. [14]
The Kafirs were polygamous to the extent that some of them married more than four wives. It was even considered a reproach to have only one wife—a sign of poverty and insignificance. 23 However
their -Muslim neighbors, who buried their dead, the Kafirs neither buried nor burncd their dead, and placed the body of the dead in a box that was put on the summit of a nearby hill, a custom similar to that which prevailed in the Avestan period. Since the Kafirs were illiteratc they had no written records of their own. Also, because of their small-scale contact with the outside world thcv were not cxposcd to change, and held steadfast to their cultural values. Consequently, for centuries their society had bccn essentially retentive. The biggest change in their long history that affected them as well as their society in a fundamental way came with them convcrsion to Islam in 1896. On the eve of their conversion the author Robertson characterized the Kafirs in the f0110\4ing manner. "Their present ideas and all the associations of their history and their religion are simply assassinations and blackmailing; yet they are not savages. Some of them have the head of philosophers and statesmen. Their features are Aryan, and their mental capabilities are considerable. Their love of decoration, their carving, their architecture, all point to a time when they were higher in the human scale than they are at present.'"
The Kafirs had a hostile as well as symbiotic relationship with their Muslim neighbors. Although they suffered from disunity they would unite whenever the latter would threaten them, but would not conduct a combined operation, preferring instead to retaliate in small parties. On the Other hand, the Muslims would raid their territory to exact tribute, grab their land and capture their women, or to take revenge for their relatives whom the Kafirs had killed. The Muslim and Kafir communities in return would reward their respective successful raiders with the tide of ghazi (Muslim fighter against non-Muslims) for the Muslims, and of shoramauch for the Kafirs.
Nevertheless, thc Kafirs and their neighbors maintained a symbiotic relationship through trade in local commodities. Muslim peddlers carried on such trade in times of peace, even in the interior of Kafiristan. The Kafirs also maintained relationships with the Muslims individually as well as collectively. They had 'brothers' among some frontier Muslims, and both sides extended hospitality to each other when called upon. It was this symbiotic relationship and the introduction of currency that contributed to the spread of
|
|
Robertson, |
165.
THE CONQUEST OF FORMER KAFIRISTAN 149
Islam in the fringes of Kafiöstan. Here, particularly in Bashgul, lived a large number of converts to Islam, known as shaykhs or neenchas. Although they had converted, their kinsmen accepted them uihout prejudice, because their blood ties were much stronger than religious ones. Thus, on the eve of the invasion, Islam had made considerable inroads among the Kafirs, who were said to number about 52,500 people in 1891.
The Historical Background Of the K4frs
As previously noted, the Kafirs were an indigenous people. According to Ghobar they were the descendents of the people of Bakhtar who left their land (Bakhtar or Bactria) after the overthrow of the GrecoBactrian rule by the people of Takhar. They settled in regions outh of the Hindu-kush, which they called Biloristan after their former land Bakhtar. In their new habitat, where they partly mixed with the indigenous people, but largely kept to themselves, they naintained their former predominantly Zoroastrian ways of life," as previously described.
In the Islamic period, when Islam was being introduced in what is now eastern Afghanistan, the Kafirs were pressured to accept Islam, and those who refused proceeded further up the highland, from Laghman, Konarr, Bajaur and other valleys. Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna may have been the first Muslim ruler to have pressured them to embrace Islam, in the beginning of the eleventh century. Although he invaded India seventeen times, he did not conquer the highland of the Kafirs. The example he set was followed by Timur Lane (1335—1405) and by the Muslim princes of Turkestan, in the fifteenth century. 34 In the early part of the sixteenth century, Mohammad Zahir al-Din Babur (1483—1530), the founder of the Mughal dynasty of India, had a small encounter with the Kafirs in the Konarr valley. During the reigns of his successors, notably Jalal al-Din Akbar (1556—1605) and Jahangir (1 605—1627), the Kafirs of
- GAK, 250.
- Ghobar, The Geogr#hical History gfUghanütan, 135—139.
- McNair, W. W., Exploration in Eastcrn Afghanistan, Kafiristan, 1883, 38, PSLI, 44, 1208. Mason, Narraüe ef Vahow Journo's, l, 198—201.
Tagao, Nijrao, Pech, Konarr and Laghman were converted to Islam.
In the first half of the eighteenth century, Nadir Shah Afshar d. 1747) left the Kafirs unmolested, as did the Sadozay rulers afterward. However, later in 1874, Amir Sher CAIi Khan tried to conquer Kafiristan, although the details of his attempt are unknown.
Amir •Abd al-Rahman Khan did not take a military' expedition against them until 1895, since he was not ready to confront them. Nor did the Kafirs present a problem. After Russia occupied Panjdeh in 1885, the amir feared that the Russians viewed the Kafirs as . their auxiliary force. "36 A year later he also feared that " . the British Government intended to annex Kafiristan. "37 This was after the British Government requested him that he permit a British party under Colonel Lockhart to enter Kafiristan for collecting geological data. 38 The amir turned down the request, but was still unable to bring the Kafirs within the orbit of Kabul, due to more pressing problems elsewhere. Instead, he lent his blessing to the jihad movement that Mulla Khalil Mohmand and others were waging against the Kafirs at the same time that he also adopted a paternal attitude toward those deputations of Kafir elders who were turning to him in Kabul, for protection. Pressured by overzealous Muslims on the fringes of their land, groups of Kafir elders frequently visited the amir and received good treatment, as well as presents of robes and
COmara nan and the Kgfrs
In the late 1880s COmara Khan (Umra Khan), the famous khan of Jandol, revived the centuries-old custom of jihad against the Kafirs. In 1891, he occupied the Kafir village of Nasrat on the left bank of the Konarr River even though his local rivals and the mehtar (ruler) of Chitral had made a coalition against him, which prevented him from undertaking a large-scale invasion. However, his second attempt
35 Rahim, M., Sifat Nama-e-l)arwesh Mohammad Khan Ghazi (Persian) (in Praise of Daruesh Mohammad Khan Khan Ghazi], 1288 H. Q., Islamabad, Laghman, Introduction and Annotation by Scarcia, G., Rome, 1965, 74.
Amir 'Abd al-Rahman to Afzal, KD, 17, Mar. 85, PSLI, 44, 740.
MM, Apr. 86, PSI-I, 63, 496.
Durand to Amir •Abd al-Rahman, 22 Jan. 86, PSI—I, 47, 1027.
THE CONQUEST OF FORMER K.AFIRISTAN 151
at invading the Kafir's territory, after he had defeated his rivals, was anticipated by the Kafirs, S9 and they invaded his territory instead. They did so with the encouragement they received from Sipah Salar Ghulam Haydar Khan Charkhay, who had arrived at the lime at Asmar with a large numbcr of troops. Further, as a result of thc Durand Agreement of 1893, when Kafiristan was officially recognizcd by India as a part of Afghanistan, the sipah salar warned 'Omara Khan to leave the Kafirs alone." However, t Omara Khan was still undeterred, stating that Kafiristan his claim was '"supenor"" to that of the amir's and of the Mehtar of Chitral. He gave up his planned invasion only after the Government of India prevented him from carrying it out.42
The Mehtar of Chitral and the
Previously Kafiristan, Chitral and Gilgit formed one land," and the Mehtar of Chitral, entitled Shah Kator," was viewed as the suzerain of the Kafirs, for which they paid him tribute.45 Although, during the period under discussion, the mehtar was unable to administer their affairs, the Kafirs, especially those of the nearby Bashgul valley, still sought his protection when pressured by other Muslims. After they found out that he could no longer protect them from the threats of •Omara Khan, they turned to the amir for protection'6 When the Govemment of India, the suzerain of the mehtar, accepted the amir's claim that the whole of Kafiristan was a part of Afghanistan" the centuries-old r.elationship between the former and Chitral came to an end.
" PD, 23 Nov. 92, PSLI, 68, 703.
PD, 8 Jan. 94, PSLI, 7, 208.
'Omara Khan to Mehter, PD, 8 Jan. 94, PSI-I, 73, 208
Secretary to government of India to •Omara Khan, 30 Mar. 94 i), S May,
PSI-I, 74, 711.
Ghobar, Ughaniftan Dar Masir-e-Tarikh, 671.
-H Elliot, "Hindu Kings of Kabul", GAK, Appendix B., cxxlv.
45 Fayz Mohammad, al-Taunhkh, 1129.
- -6 Kain elders to Ghulam Haydar Khan, PD, 8 Jan. 94, PSI-I, 74, 128. Elgin to Hamilton, 22 Apr. 96, F.L No. 77 (1896), PSLI, 85, 20.
The Negotiations
The concentration of troops at Asmar, as described in Chapter Four, alarmed the Kafirs. The amir instructed the sipah salar to allay their fear by negotiating with them. However, the purpose was not a settlement through negotiation, but to dissuade the Kafirs from fleeing to Chitral, as, rcportcdly, thcy would do. if military expeditions were taken against them before the winter set in. The sipah salar was most suited for conducting the negotiation. As a Yusufzay Pashtun, well versed in the art of negotiations and settlements and enjoying wide authority as the amir's viceroy in the eastern province, the sipah salar also preferred negotiation to the employment of force. Since one political center did not exist among the Kafirs, he began negotiating Mith the tribes separately. Extensive negotiations were held with the Kam Kafirs of the Bashgul valley bordering Chitral. However, these were no more than a delaying tactic.
The sipah salar and his troops moved to Barikot (Birkot), closer to the Kam Kafirs of the Bashgul valley, and proposed that they accept Islam and the amir's rule." While, they were willing to submit to the amir, they were unwilling to accept Islam. They were also unvvilling to accept the construction of a road through their valley to Badakhshan, which the sipah salar had planned to build. Subsequently, they agreed to the construction of the road, provided they were left free to practice their religion. The sipah salar went along with their request, but when work was begun on the road, the Kafirs changed their minds, proposing instead to accept Islam, not the road. For the sipah salar, the construction of the road and their submission were of greater urgency than the Kafirs' immediate conversion, because without the road the invasion would be difficult.
For precisely the same reason, ultimately the Kafirs of the whole valley made it clear that they wanted to become Zimmis (non-Muslim subjects), but would accept neither Islam nor the road. 49 Evidently, the Kafirs, who had lived in freedom since their arrival in their territory: resented losing their freedom, and so wanted to retain it by becoming zimmis. The sipah salar gave way, knowing that if he refused to accept their proposal they would resist and then escape to Chitral.50
48 Fayz Mohammad, al-Tawari", 1124, 1125, 1 129, 1130.
0 Ibid.
so Sayyed Shah of Daryu of Luthkoh to British agent, Gilgit Diary, 2 Nov. 95, EL, 4493 PSLI, 83.
The Negotiations
The concentration of troops at Asmar, as described in Chapter Four, alarmed the Kafirs. The amir instructed the sipah salar to allay their fear by negotiating with them. However, the purpose was not a settlement through negotiation, but to dissuade the Kafirs from fleeing to Chitral, as, rcportcdly, thcy would do. if military expeditions were taken against them before the winter set in. The sipah salar was most suited for conducting the negotiation. As a Yusufzay Pashtun, well versed in the art of negotiations and settlements and enjoying wide authority as the amir's viceroy in the eastern province, the sipah salar also preferred negotiation to the employment of force. Since one political center did not exist among the Kafirs, he began negotiating Mith the tribes separately. Extensive negotiations were held with the Kam Kafirs of the Bashgul valley bordering Chitral. However, these were no more than a delaying tactic.
The sipah salar and his troops moved to Barikot (Birkot), closer to the Kam Kafirs of the Bashgul valley, and proposed that they accept Islam and the amir's rule." While, they were willing to submit to the amir, they were unwilling to accept Islam. They were also unvvilling to accept the construction of a road through their valley to Badakhshan, which the sipah salar had planned to build. Subsequently, they agreed to the construction of the road, provided they were left free to practice their religion. The sipah salar went along with their request, but when work was begun on the road, the Kafirs changed their minds, proposing instead to accept Islam, not the road. For the sipah salar, the construction of the road and their submission were of greater urgency than the Kafirs' immediate conversion, because without the road the invasion would be difficult.
For precisely the same reason, ultimately the Kafirs of the whole valley made it clear that they wanted to become Zimmis (non-Muslim subjects), but would accept neither Islam nor the road. 49 Evidently, the Kafirs, who had lived in freedom since their arrival in their territory: resented losing their freedom, and so wanted to retain it by becoming zimmis. The sipah salar gave way, knowing that if he refused to accept their proposal they would resist and then escape to Chitral.50
48 Fayz Mohammad, al-Tawari", 1124, 1125, 1 129, 1130.
0 Ibid.
so Sayyed Shah of Daryu of Luthkoh to British agent, Gilgit Diary, 2 Nov. 95, EL, 4493 PSLI, 83.
The spah salar overran the Bashgul valley and returned to Asmar in early January 1986, after having left a garrison there: rcsistancc was light and a number of Kafirs fled to Chitral. 52 Next, along with troops from Munjan, he pacified the long valley of Pech and all of its side vales. Thc Ramgul and Kulum Kafirs, who lived in the interior or Kafiristan and stood fast by their religion. proved difficult to overcome. This finally occurred in the winter of 1896. after both sides incurred hea',y casualties. With the fall of Kulum the conqucst was complete.
The Settlement and Conversion
Following the invasion the conversion to Islam of the Kafirs began. Armed Sunni mullas of the Hanafi system of laws guarded by armed khassadars (militia) were commissioned to convert the Kafirs. Further, mosques were built in all of the villages and hamlets, where the Kafirs were taught in the fundamentals of Islam. Many wooden effigies and statuettes depicting Kafir deities, and presumably also their ancestors, were collected and sent on to Jalalabad and Kabul, where they disappeared. Thus, the Kafir art which was the work of client artisans, and exemplified the religious beliefs of the Kafirs vanished. Except for a few ugly incidents here and there the mass conversion went on smoothly, and the Kafirs gradually became staunch Muslirns. This was particularly true of young Kafirs, although the elderly felt sorrow over the loss of their traditional religion.
By the amir's order, no one was to pillage Kafir property or to enslave a Kafir. The Kafir slaves were declared to be free as the amir had already abolished slavery in Afghanistan. If anyone did so, he was to pay a fine of seven thousand rupees—an exorbitant sum. Qgzis and hakims (subgovernors) were appointed to manage the land
ing the fact that the amir's betrothal of the Kafir slave-girls was in line with the custom that allowed dowry and bride-price.
Additionally, according to Dr. Jones (p. 3) following the British invasion of Afghanistan Amir Sher cAli Khan accompanied the Russian mission to Russia where "Sher 'Ali was something Of an embarrassment and he was advised to return." The plain fact is that Russia's governor-general von Kaufmann did not allow the amir to enter even Central Asia, and that this refusal became partly responGble for the estrangement in Russo-Afghan relations until 1917 when the Bolsheviks came to
CD, 29 Dec 96, F.L, 78-F., PSI], 90.
154
The spah salar overran the Bashgul valley and returned to Asmar in early January 1986, after having left a garrison there: rcsistancc was light and a number of Kafirs fled to Chitral. 52 Next, along with troops from Munjan, he pacified the long valley of Pech and all of its side vales. Thc Ramgul and Kulum Kafirs, who lived in the interior or Kafiristan and stood fast by their religion. proved difficult to overcome. This finally occurred in the winter of 1896. after both sides incurred hea',y casualties. With the fall of Kulum the conqucst was complete.
The Settlement and Conversion
Following the invasion the conversion to Islam of the Kafirs began. Armed Sunni mullas of the Hanafi system of laws guarded by armed khassadars (militia) were commissioned to convert the Kafirs. Further, mosques were built in all of the villages and hamlets, where the Kafirs were taught in the fundamentals of Islam. Many wooden effigies and statuettes depicting Kafir deities, and presumably also their ancestors, were collected and sent on to Jalalabad and Kabul, where they disappeared. Thus, the Kafir art which was the work of client artisans, and exemplified the religious beliefs of the Kafirs vanished. Except for a few ugly incidents here and there the mass conversion went on smoothly, and the Kafirs gradually became staunch Muslirns. This was particularly true of young Kafirs, although the elderly felt sorrow over the loss of their traditional religion.
By the amir's order, no one was to pillage Kafir property or to enslave a Kafir. The Kafir slaves were declared to be free as the amir had already abolished slavery in Afghanistan. If anyone did so, he was to pay a fine of seven thousand rupees—an exorbitant sum. Qgzis and hakims (subgovernors) were appointed to manage the land
ing the fact that the amir's betrothal of the Kafir slave-girls was in line with the custom that allowed dowry and bride-price.
Additionally, according to Dr. Jones (p. 3) following the British invasion of Afghanistan Amir Sher cAli Khan accompanied the Russian mission to Russia where "Sher 'Ali was something Of an embarrassment and he was advised to return." The plain fact is that Russia's governor-general von Kaufmann did not allow the amir to enter even Central Asia, and that this refusal became partly responGble for the estrangement in Russo-Afghan relations until 1917 when the Bolsheviks came to
CD, 29 Dec 96, F.L, 78-F., PSI], 90.
Inlemal and Extemal Significance
The conquest produced strong repercussions in Afghanistan, as well as in India, Great Britain, and Russia. While in Afghanistan the people lauded the amir, in the other three countries, the press and some Christian societies expressed concern and sought to bring pressure upon their respective governments to prevent thc amir from annexing Kafiristan, and failing that to save the Kafirs from what was referred to as "extermination." However, thc protestations failed to arouse their govemments to action.
In an age Of European domination, devout Christians found it hard to tolerate the conquest of the 'Land of the Infidel' by a Muslim ruler, and consequently, they demanded counteraction from their own governments. The intellectual ground for this had already been laid by Christian missionaries in India to the effect that because the Kafirs of Kafiristan . are almost without a religion . . . such people are open to receive the Gospel."57 This view had originated with a Jesuit priest, Benedict Goes. Upon hearing that the Siyah-posh Kafirs were not Muslims, and that they drank wine, he had "inferred that they were Christians." •Goes had made this assertion in 1603, when crossing the Hindu Kush by the Parwan Pass to Andarab.38
Until George Robertson traveled into Kafiristan in 1890— 1891 no European had penetrated it, and Robertson had found no evidence to suggest that the Kafirs were Christians or were even their sympathizers. Nevertheless, after the conquest, some Christian societies in Britain raised their voices against it, charging that it was intended to result in the "enslavement" and "extermination" of the Kafirs. Sympathizing with the Kafirs on the basis that they had always "relied on British protection", and that they were "the brethren of the Europeans", these societies asked the British Government to rescue them from "the present danger. "59 Others viewed the conquest as an 'irredeemable loss to our [British] predicting that "England in India will be the first to suffer by it.''61
Downes, E., KMrifian, London, 1873, 15.
Mason, .Namative Ujournos, l, 205.
Aborigines Protection Society to Secretary of state for India, 22 Jan. 96, 5. The .Anti-Slavery Society in Lnndon also made similar assertions and requests. For details see, Memoranda-parliamentary Questions, Chitral, Afghanistan, etc., 1896.
A Missionary, "The Amir's Paean, the Mittai Valley and the Kafirs", The Asiadc Quarterly Review, 2, 1896, 186. 61 Chamberlain, N., "Russia's Countermeasures to the Kafir Encroachment," The Asiatic Quarterly Review, 2, 1896, 186.
156
Inlemal and Extemal Significance
The conquest produced strong repercussions in Afghanistan, as well as in India, Great Britain, and Russia. While in Afghanistan the people lauded the amir, in the other three countries, the press and some Christian societies expressed concern and sought to bring pressure upon their respective governments to prevent thc amir from annexing Kafiristan, and failing that to save the Kafirs from what was referred to as "extermination." However, thc protestations failed to arouse their govemments to action.
In an age Of European domination, devout Christians found it hard to tolerate the conquest of the 'Land of the Infidel' by a Muslim ruler, and consequently, they demanded counteraction from their own governments. The intellectual ground for this had already been laid by Christian missionaries in India to the effect that because the Kafirs of Kafiristan . are almost without a religion . . . such people are open to receive the Gospel."57 This view had originated with a Jesuit priest, Benedict Goes. Upon hearing that the Siyah-posh Kafirs were not Muslims, and that they drank wine, he had "inferred that they were Christians." •Goes had made this assertion in 1603, when crossing the Hindu Kush by the Parwan Pass to Andarab.38
Until George Robertson traveled into Kafiristan in 1890— 1891 no European had penetrated it, and Robertson had found no evidence to suggest that the Kafirs were Christians or were even their sympathizers. Nevertheless, after the conquest, some Christian societies in Britain raised their voices against it, charging that it was intended to result in the "enslavement" and "extermination" of the Kafirs. Sympathizing with the Kafirs on the basis that they had always "relied on British protection", and that they were "the brethren of the Europeans", these societies asked the British Government to rescue them from "the present danger. "59 Others viewed the conquest as an 'irredeemable loss to our [British] predicting that "England in India will be the first to suffer by it.''61
Downes, E., KMrifian, London, 1873, 15.
Mason, .Namative Ujournos, l, 205.
Aborigines Protection Society to Secretary of state for India, 22 Jan. 96, 5. The .Anti-Slavery Society in Lnndon also made similar assertions and requests. For details see, Memoranda-parliamentary Questions, Chitral, Afghanistan, etc., 1896.
A Missionary, "The Amir's Paean, the Mittai Valley and the Kafirs", The Asiadc Quarterly Review, 2, 1896, 186. 61 Chamberlain, N., "Russia's Countermeasures to the Kafir Encroachment," The Asiatic Quarterly Review, 2, 1896, 186.
had not expressed a desire to become Christians, and the claim in certain missionary circles that during the previous forty years they had invited them several times bring Christianity into their secluded homes"71' was simply untrue. Contrary to this assertion, in 1886 the Kafirs themsches had blockcd thc cntrv into Kafiristan of a British mission led by Colonel Lockhart. The stated puQose of the mission was to examine the passes of thc Hindu Kush for "a scientific" surccy, but it was, in fact, political. From George Robertson's travel accounts of Kafiristan it is clear that the Kafirs had no love for their so-called European 'Kafir brethren.' They even suspcctcd Robertson Of being a spy and his journey, in his own words, mere prehminary to an attempt to annex their country." 71 In the second place, in comparison to his rebellious subjects, the amir treated the Kafirs mildly. He realized that since they were fewer in number they could never become a threat. It was because of all these considerations that the British Government thought it inadvisable even to address the amir on the subject, although certain members of the House of Commons (where the subject was discussed) asked it to do so. 72 In a similar fashion, the offcial Turkestan Gazette, wrote, "We, Russians can only, against our wish, remain deeply sad spectators of the tragedy enacted in Kafiristan which is one of the darkest blots on European dommation in Asia. "73
From all this one good result emerged for the K afir refugees when the British Government of India declared that they would be given asylum with small grants of land in Chitral. 74 The Kafir refugees were then settled in the upper Bumber-et and Gobar. They were also allowed to retain their beliefs. They gradually became Muslims, who are now known as Bashgulay shaykhs.
Leitner, AV., "Kafiristan and the Khalifa Question", The Asiatic Review, 1896, l, 288.
Robertson to Cunningham, 14 Jan. 90, PSLI, 59, 1006.
72 Memoranda-Parliamentary Questions, 1896, 6.
Quoted in 77ze Asiatic @arter5' Review', 1896, l, 294.
Memoranda-Parliamentary Questions, 1896, 4.
75 Shah, Wazir A., "Invasions Preceding the Conquest of Nuristan,ø in Cultures of me Hindu rush, ed. by Jettrnar, K. , Wiesbaden, 1974, 25.
TEN'
RELATIONS WITH THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT
OF INDIA AND THE DURAND AGREEMENI'
Great Britain was the first European country with which Afghanistan came into contact, but relations between them were often hostile. Britain twice invaded Afghanistan, first in 1838 and then in 1878, but failed to make it a colony. However, it did succeed in controlling Afghanistan's external relations after the second invasion, and it also helped define and delimit the country's international boundaries. Thus, Anglo-Afghan relations are the most important aspect of Afghanistan's external relations during the period under consideration.
Before 1880
The first offcial contact between Afghanistan and Britain was made in 1809, when a British mission {ed by Mountstuart Elphinstone, an envoy of the East India Company, concluded a treaty with the Afghan ruler, Shah Shuja) Sadozay, in Peshawar, his winter seat. By the terms of the treaty concluded on June 1 7, 1809, the Afghans agreed to prevent the French from entering Afghanistan as the Sindians and the Persians had agreed to prevent them from entering their countries. Both parties to the treaty agreed to refrain from meddling in the internal affairs of each other's country. l
The treaty had been prompted by the fear of a joint FrancoPersian invasion of India through Afghanistan. In it the Afghan king agreed that he would "prevent their passage, and, . . . not permit them to cross into British India. "2 However, the fear proved unreal, and Shah Shujac was soon overthrown. Consequently, the treaty lost its purpose, even though it had declared friendship between the two states "to continue for ever", and Anglo-Afghan relations remained in limbo for the next twenty years. However, the treaty caused the
Norris, J. A, The First 4fghan War, 1839—1842, Cambridge, 1967, 14. 2 Kaye, J. W., History of War, Inndon, 1851, l, 150.
I GO CHAPI*F.R TF„N
production of a permanent value. Elphinstonc, who was more of a scholar than a civil servant. managed to collect range information on Afghanistan on the basis of which he, in cooperation with his colleagues, composed the most comprcliensive b0i)k ivhich has cvcr been written in any languagc on the state and society of the Durranay Empire entitled. An Account of the Kingdom of Caubul.
In the Russo-phobia struck British India once again. By then, as a result of the treaty of 1828 of "I'orkmanchai, Russian influence had replaced British influence at the court of Tehran, in Persia. Afghanistan had been fragmented into the principalities of Kabul, Kandahar, Herat and Peshawar. 'l'his led the British governrnent to conclude that the pro-Russian king of Persia, Fath 'Ali Shah, intended to dominate Kandahar and Herat, and influence Afghanistan' Britain considered such an eventuality detrimental to her interests in India, and to forestall the perceived danger, it charged Governor-general Auckland to counteract the progress of Russian influencc in Afghanistan. For this purpose Lord Auckland sent a mission under Alexander Burnes to the court of Kabul, but it failed in its purpose.
Although by then "Russia declared to abstain from entering into any political relationships with Afghan chiefs and not to take part in their civil wars or in their family feuds"4 Lord Auckland still decided to intcrcene. Apparently, Auckland saw it necessary to forcstall a perceived Russian intervention in Afghanistan in order to make way for the actual British military intervention there. In preparation for this intervention, he along with Rangit Singh, the Sikh ruler of the Panjab and the former Afghan king, Shah Shuja', then a iUgitive in India, concluded a treaty.å For its purpose it had the placing On the throne or Kabul a ruler who would be subject to the British. The tool of its accomplishment became Shah Shuja'—a rejected claimant to the throne who soon became unpopular with the Afghans during his brief period of British-dominated reign.6
Britain failed in its purposc by losing more than 16,500 soldiers and
Indian servants in its war with Afghanistan, and Dost Mohammad
Habberton, IV., Anglo-Russian Relatious Concerning Ughanistan, 1833—1907, Illinois StL1dies in Social Sciences, Vol., XXI, 1933, 10.
Singhal, India and Ughanistan, 4. 5 Habberton, Anglo-Russian Relations, 19. 6 Ibid., 20.
I GO CHAPI*F.R TF„N
production of a permanent value. Elphinstonc, who was more of a scholar than a civil servant. managed to collect range information on Afghanistan on the basis of which he, in cooperation with his colleagues, composed the most comprcliensive b0i)k ivhich has cvcr been written in any languagc on the state and society of the Durranay Empire entitled. An Account of the Kingdom of Caubul.
In the Russo-phobia struck British India once again. By then, as a result of the treaty of 1828 of "I'orkmanchai, Russian influence had replaced British influence at the court of Tehran, in Persia. Afghanistan had been fragmented into the principalities of Kabul, Kandahar, Herat and Peshawar. 'l'his led the British governrnent to conclude that the pro-Russian king of Persia, Fath 'Ali Shah, intended to dominate Kandahar and Herat, and influence Afghanistan' Britain considered such an eventuality detrimental to her interests in India, and to forestall the perceived danger, it charged Governor-general Auckland to counteract the progress of Russian influencc in Afghanistan. For this purpose Lord Auckland sent a mission under Alexander Burnes to the court of Kabul, but it failed in its purpose.
Although by then "Russia declared to abstain from entering into any political relationships with Afghan chiefs and not to take part in their civil wars or in their family feuds"4 Lord Auckland still decided to intcrcene. Apparently, Auckland saw it necessary to forcstall a perceived Russian intervention in Afghanistan in order to make way for the actual British military intervention there. In preparation for this intervention, he along with Rangit Singh, the Sikh ruler of the Panjab and the former Afghan king, Shah Shuja', then a iUgitive in India, concluded a treaty.å For its purpose it had the placing On the throne or Kabul a ruler who would be subject to the British. The tool of its accomplishment became Shah Shuja'—a rejected claimant to the throne who soon became unpopular with the Afghans during his brief period of British-dominated reign.6
Britain failed in its purposc by losing more than 16,500 soldiers and
Indian servants in its war with Afghanistan, and Dost Mohammad
Habberton, IV., Anglo-Russian Relatious Concerning Ughanistan, 1833—1907, Illinois StL1dies in Social Sciences, Vol., XXI, 1933, 10.
Singhal, India and Ughanistan, 4. 5 Habberton, Anglo-Russian Relations, 19. 6 Ibid., 20.
invaded it several times before. This was to be Persia's last invasion of Herat. At the same time, Calcutta and Kabul were to exchange diplomatic representatives, known as wakil, although the former refrained from concluding "a treaty of offensive and defensive alliance" with Afghans. 13 On the whole, the treaties improved relations between the two countries so long as the amir was alive.
From the death of Amir Dost Mohammad Khan, in 1863, and the accession of Amir Sher CAIi Khan the British policy toward Afghanistan falls into three phases: the so-called "neutrality", from 1864—to 1868; reconciliation without commitment, from 1868 to 1876; and active intervention, once again, afterward.
Amir Sher cAli Khan expected Britain to follow the same policy toqard him that it had followed toward his father. However, during the Afghan civil war, Britain followed a policy of partiality in the name of neutrality in the hope that his rival, pro-British brother, Sardar Mohammad ACzam Khan, would establish" . . . a strong government in Afghanistan friendly to the British power."14 Nevertheless, Amir Sher cAli Khan still preferred British friendship to that of Russia's, as he was concerned about the integrity of his kingdom, and its independence from the feared Russian encroachment. He
Ibid., 256.
12 Ibid., 259. Amir Dost Mohammad Khan's reluctance to restore Peshawar in 1957 was crucial as in 1848 when the Sikhs rose up against the British and in their cxtrcmity appealed to Amir Dost Mohammad Khan to help them in return for the cession of Peshawar." (Harnid-ud Din, "Dost Mohammad and the Second Sikh War", Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, Vol. I l, pt. IV, Oct. 1954, 280). But Amir Dost Mohammad Khan helped the Sikhs only with a token force under his son Sardar Mohammad Akram Khan, even though he regarded Peshawar as "the burial place of my forefathers, and my hereditary country." (Ibid., 281) He
invaded it several times before. This was to be Persia's last invasion of Herat. At the same time, Calcutta and Kabul were to exchange diplomatic representatives, known as wakil, although the former refrained from concluding "a treaty of offensive and defensive alliance" with Afghans. 13 On the whole, the treaties improved relations between the two countries so long as the amir was alive.
From the death of Amir Dost Mohammad Khan, in 1863, and the accession of Amir Sher CAIi Khan the British policy toward Afghanistan falls into three phases: the so-called "neutrality", from 1864—to 1868; reconciliation without commitment, from 1868 to 1876; and active intervention, once again, afterward.
Amir Sher cAli Khan expected Britain to follow the same policy toqard him that it had followed toward his father. However, during the Afghan civil war, Britain followed a policy of partiality in the name of neutrality in the hope that his rival, pro-British brother, Sardar Mohammad ACzam Khan, would establish" . . . a strong government in Afghanistan friendly to the British power."14 Nevertheless, Amir Sher cAli Khan still preferred British friendship to that of Russia's, as he was concerned about the integrity of his kingdom, and its independence from the feared Russian encroachment. He
Ibid., 256.
12 Ibid., 259. Amir Dost Mohammad Khan's reluctance to restore Peshawar in 1957 was crucial as in 1848 when the Sikhs rose up against the British and in their cxtrcmity appealed to Amir Dost Mohammad Khan to help them in return for the cession of Peshawar." (Harnid-ud Din, "Dost Mohammad and the Second Sikh War", Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, Vol. I l, pt. IV, Oct. 1954, 280). But Amir Dost Mohammad Khan helped the Sikhs only with a token force under his son Sardar Mohammad Akram Khan, even though he regarded Peshawar as "the burial place of my forefathers, and my hereditary country." (Ibid., 281) He
invaded it several times before. This was to be Persia's last invasion of Herat. At the same time, Calcutta and Kabul were to exchange diplomatic representatives, known as wakil, although the former refrained from concluding "a treaty of offensive and defensive alliance" with Afghans. 13 On the whole, the treaties improved relations between the two countries so long as the amir was alive.
From the death of Amir Dost Mohammad Khan, in 1863, and the accession of Amir Sher CAIi Khan the British policy toward Afghanistan falls into three phases: the so-called "neutrality", from 1864—to 1868; reconciliation without commitment, from 1868 to 1876; and active intervention, once again, afterward.
Amir Sher cAli Khan expected Britain to follow the same policy toqard him that it had followed toward his father. However, during the Afghan civil war, Britain followed a policy of partiality in the name of neutrality in the hope that his rival, pro-British brother, Sardar Mohammad ACzam Khan, would establish" . . . a strong government in Afghanistan friendly to the British power."14 Nevertheless, Amir Sher cAli Khan still preferred British friendship to that of Russia's, as he was concerned about the integrity of his kingdom, and its independence from the feared Russian encroachment. He
Ibid., 256.
12 Ibid., 259. Amir Dost Mohammad Khan's reluctance to restore Peshawar in 1957 was crucial as in 1848 when the Sikhs rose up against the British and in their cxtrcmity appealed to Amir Dost Mohammad Khan to help them in return for the cession of Peshawar." (Harnid-ud Din, "Dost Mohammad and the Second Sikh War", Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, Vol. I l, pt. IV, Oct. 1954, 280). But Amir Dost Mohammad Khan helped the Sikhs only with a token force under his son Sardar Mohammad Akram Khan, even though he regarded Peshawar as "the burial place of my forefathers, and my hereditary country." (Ibid., 281) He
165
ter memory of the war vsith the "infidel Farangi" was still too fresh in the minds of Afghans to tolerate a British presence in the country. Consequently, Viceroy Northbrook did not make the request, stating that "all those best qualified to form an opinion" believed that the amir would refuse the request. 22 He also stated that the fear of Russian design upon India was based. upon chimera.
Concluding that "SalisbuD,• was bent on war"23 the viceroy left India in April 1876. However, the first step for the Second AngloAfghan war had been takqn in the same year after the British Prime Mini5ter Benjamin Disraeli (later Earl Beaconsfield) adopted a new policy, known as the "Forward Policy", which meant intervention and occupation. It consisted of securing by Britain key frontier points close to Afghanistan, and turning Afghanistan into a protectorate state.
The implementation of the Forward Policy began after Lord Edward Robert L. B. Lytton replaced Lord Northbrook as viceroy and governor-general in the spring of 1876. Lytton "arrived in India armed with an entirely fresh set of instructions to guide the government of India's attitude to the Central Asian problem." In particular [h]e came to India with specific instructions to deal with Afghanistan in accordance with the aims of the Forward Policy."24 He not only had the full support of Salisbury; Beaconsfield too assured him that "[m]y confidence in you is complete."
With regard to the administration of the North-west Frontier, Salisbury even told him that "whatever you decide on, I shall uphold. "25 This point will be explained soon. Lytton was willing to conclude a defensive and offensive alliance with Amir Sher CAIi Khan and also to recognize his heir apparent. In return, he demanded that the amir forgo the external independence of his country, and accept the stationing of British offcers along its frontiers. For obvious reasons, the amir did not accept the proposal.% The Peshawar conference that was held in March 1877 between Lytton and the amir's representatives on the subject failed. A mission from the Ottoman Sultan to the amir in September 1877, which attempted
n Ibid., 146.
Ibid, 147.
Trousdale, In&odution in War .%anisun, 49.
Roberts, .%åsbur, 215.
26 Singbal, India an Afghanüøn, 25—26.
165
ter memory of the war vsith the "infidel Farangi" was still too fresh in the minds of Afghans to tolerate a British presence in the country. Consequently, Viceroy Northbrook did not make the request, stating that "all those best qualified to form an opinion" believed that the amir would refuse the request. 22 He also stated that the fear of Russian design upon India was based. upon chimera.
Concluding that "SalisbuD,• was bent on war"23 the viceroy left India in April 1876. However, the first step for the Second AngloAfghan war had been takqn in the same year after the British Prime Mini5ter Benjamin Disraeli (later Earl Beaconsfield) adopted a new policy, known as the "Forward Policy", which meant intervention and occupation. It consisted of securing by Britain key frontier points close to Afghanistan, and turning Afghanistan into a protectorate state.
The implementation of the Forward Policy began after Lord Edward Robert L. B. Lytton replaced Lord Northbrook as viceroy and governor-general in the spring of 1876. Lytton "arrived in India armed with an entirely fresh set of instructions to guide the government of India's attitude to the Central Asian problem." In particular [h]e came to India with specific instructions to deal with Afghanistan in accordance with the aims of the Forward Policy."24 He not only had the full support of Salisbury; Beaconsfield too assured him that "[m]y confidence in you is complete."
With regard to the administration of the North-west Frontier, Salisbury even told him that "whatever you decide on, I shall uphold. "25 This point will be explained soon. Lytton was willing to conclude a defensive and offensive alliance with Amir Sher CAIi Khan and also to recognize his heir apparent. In return, he demanded that the amir forgo the external independence of his country, and accept the stationing of British offcers along its frontiers. For obvious reasons, the amir did not accept the proposal.% The Peshawar conference that was held in March 1877 between Lytton and the amir's representatives on the subject failed. A mission from the Ottoman Sultan to the amir in September 1877, which attempted
n Ibid., 146.
Ibid, 147.
Trousdale, In&odution in War .%anisun, 49.
Roberts, .%åsbur, 215.
26 Singbal, India an Afghanüøn, 25—26.
- "Part Italian, part French, part Irish and all British" Cavagnari had actually dictated the treaty to the amir in Gandumak. In Kabul, Cavaganari behaved as if he had been appointed ruler of Afghanistan. He was mistaken. On September 3, 1879, the people and the army of Kabul massacred all the inmates of the embassy which consisted of Cavagnari, W. Jenkyns, A. H. Kelly, W. R. P. Hamilton, and seventy five members of the cavalry and infantry.n Soon afterward, in response to the massacre, the British invaded Afghanistan once again. During this second phase of the war, Lytton embarked on a policy with the purpose of disrnembering Afghanistan in accord vith the requirements of the Forward Policy. Ultimately, this policy, as described in Chapter Two, also failed and Afghanistan emerged reunited under the leadership Of Amir CAbd al-Rahman Khan.
Re@n of Amir al-Rahman
During the Zimma meeting (July 31—August l, 1880) Sir I-apel Griffn, the British Political Offcer at Kabul, secretly handed over the following letter to Amir CAbd al-Rahman Khan:
His Excellgncy the Viceroy and Governor-General in Council has lear nt with pleasure that your Highness has proceeded toward Cabd, in accordance with the invitation of the British Government. nereforc in consideration of the friendly sentiments by which your Highness is animated, and of the advantage to be derived by the Sirdars and
Ibid., 49. That Cavagnari Gewed the Gandumak treaty with contempt is clear from the note of Frederic Villiers, the Graphic's special artist, who was present on
- "Part Italian, part French, part Irish and all British" Cavagnari had actually dictated the treaty to the amir in Gandumak. In Kabul, Cavaganari behaved as if he had been appointed ruler of Afghanistan. He was mistaken. On September 3, 1879, the people and the army of Kabul massacred all the inmates of the embassy which consisted of Cavagnari, W. Jenkyns, A. H. Kelly, W. R. P. Hamilton, and seventy five members of the cavalry and infantry.n Soon afterward, in response to the massacre, the British invaded Afghanistan once again. During this second phase of the war, Lytton embarked on a policy with the purpose of disrnembering Afghanistan in accord vith the requirements of the Forward Policy. Ultimately, this policy, as described in Chapter Two, also failed and Afghanistan emerged reunited under the leadership Of Amir CAbd al-Rahman Khan.
Re@n of Amir al-Rahman
During the Zimma meeting (July 31—August l, 1880) Sir I-apel Griffn, the British Political Offcer at Kabul, secretly handed over the following letter to Amir CAbd al-Rahman Khan:
His Excellgncy the Viceroy and Governor-General in Council has lear nt with pleasure that your Highness has proceeded toward Cabd, in accordance with the invitation of the British Government. nereforc in consideration of the friendly sentiments by which your Highness is animated, and of the advantage to be derived by the Sirdars and
Ibid., 49. That Cavagnari Gewed the Gandumak treaty with contempt is clear from the note of Frederic Villiers, the Graphic's special artist, who was present on
- "Part Italian, part French, part Irish and all British" Cavagnari had actually dictated the treaty to the amir in Gandumak. In Kabul, Cavaganari behaved as if he had been appointed ruler of Afghanistan. He was mistaken. On September 3, 1879, the people and the army of Kabul massacred all the inmates of the embassy which consisted of Cavagnari, W. Jenkyns, A. H. Kelly, W. R. P. Hamilton, and seventy five members of the cavalry and infantry.n Soon afterward, in response to the massacre, the British invaded Afghanistan once again. During this second phase of the war, Lytton embarked on a policy with the purpose of disrnembering Afghanistan in accord vith the requirements of the Forward Policy. Ultimately, this policy, as described in Chapter Two, also failed and Afghanistan emerged reunited under the leadership Of Amir CAbd al-Rahman Khan.
Re@n of Amir al-Rahman
During the Zimma meeting (July 31—August l, 1880) Sir I-apel Griffn, the British Political Offcer at Kabul, secretly handed over the following letter to Amir CAbd al-Rahman Khan:
His Excellgncy the Viceroy and Governor-General in Council has lear nt with pleasure that your Highness has proceeded toward Cabd, in accordance with the invitation of the British Government. nereforc in consideration of the friendly sentiments by which your Highness is animated, and of the advantage to be derived by the Sirdars and
Ibid., 49. That Cavagnari Gewed the Gandumak treaty with contempt is clear from the note of Frederic Villiers, the Graphic's special artist, who was present on
- "Part Italian, part French, part Irish and all British" Cavagnari had actually dictated the treaty to the amir in Gandumak. In Kabul, Cavaganari behaved as if he had been appointed ruler of Afghanistan. He was mistaken. On September 3, 1879, the people and the army of Kabul massacred all the inmates of the embassy which consisted of Cavagnari, W. Jenkyns, A. H. Kelly, W. R. P. Hamilton, and seventy five members of the cavalry and infantry.n Soon afterward, in response to the massacre, the British invaded Afghanistan once again. During this second phase of the war, Lytton embarked on a policy with the purpose of disrnembering Afghanistan in accord vith the requirements of the Forward Policy. Ultimately, this policy, as described in Chapter Two, also failed and Afghanistan emerged reunited under the leadership Of Amir CAbd al-Rahman Khan.
Re@n of Amir al-Rahman
During the Zimma meeting (July 31—August l, 1880) Sir I-apel Griffn, the British Political Offcer at Kabul, secretly handed over the following letter to Amir CAbd al-Rahman Khan:
His Excellgncy the Viceroy and Governor-General in Council has lear nt with pleasure that your Highness has proceeded toward Cabd, in accordance with the invitation of the British Government. nereforc in consideration of the friendly sentiments by which your Highness is animated, and of the advantage to be derived by the Sirdars and
Ibid., 49. That Cavagnari Gewed the Gandumak treaty with contempt is clear from the note of Frederic Villiers, the Graphic's special artist, who was present on
wrrH G
In July 1883, the viceroy, Lord Ripon, fixed the amir an annual grant of I rupees, stating that
The internal disorders of Afghanistan were so largely due to our invasion of that country that we felt it to be our duty to aid him [the amir] in the establishment Of a regular government."
The British government of India also granted weapons to Kabul in critical time. By the "establishment of a regular government" Ripon meant the organization of a strong am•ry, because the internal resources of Afghanistan for that purpose were insumcient. The grant indicated the significance which the British attached to Afghanistan. However, it was bound to injure the amir's public image, as it made him look like a British vassal. As a countermeasure, the amir announced that
. this grant of theirs is not a favor or an obligation, but the security and safety Of India is in view. The English do not give a single cowry to any without motive. In the second place, I am the shield of their country, and on account of me, they are secure from the Russian attack. If my government remains stable, I go on in this way, taking rifles and money from the English; and having made my foundation firm, I shall be able to fight the Russians and the English."
In his private darbars [courts] the amir used to say that the grants he received were a poll tax (java)." The statement was not entirely rhetoric. Although the amir could not fight the British or the Russians, he did not allow them to influence him in running the country. This was clear, among other things, from his negative responses to the British requests. But in this he went so far as to block the introduction of modern technology by rejecting the proposal of the viceroy that the British be allowed to construct a telegraph line connecting Kabul with Peshawar" or a railway line linking Kandahar with Herat.48 He even discontinued the work of a British specialist in a copper minc in a location near Kabul. He did all of this to deprive the British of a chance to meddle in the internal affairs of Afghanitan, This meant that the amir preferred isolationism and medieval autocracy to renewal and modernization.
Ripon to Secretary Of State for India, 13 July 83, 37, 121.
Amir •Abd al-Rahman in darbar, KD, 5 Apr. 87, PSLI, 50, 268. KD, 214-16 Feb. 94, PSLI, 73, 1029.
4' The Amir's Visit to India, 1885, psu, 44, Encl. No. 3, 7. Ibid., 15.
wrrH G
In July 1883, the viceroy, Lord Ripon, fixed the amir an annual grant of I rupees, stating that
The internal disorders of Afghanistan were so largely due to our invasion of that country that we felt it to be our duty to aid him [the amir] in the establishment Of a regular government."
The British government of India also granted weapons to Kabul in critical time. By the "establishment of a regular government" Ripon meant the organization of a strong am•ry, because the internal resources of Afghanistan for that purpose were insumcient. The grant indicated the significance which the British attached to Afghanistan. However, it was bound to injure the amir's public image, as it made him look like a British vassal. As a countermeasure, the amir announced that
. this grant of theirs is not a favor or an obligation, but the security and safety Of India is in view. The English do not give a single cowry to any without motive. In the second place, I am the shield of their country, and on account of me, they are secure from the Russian attack. If my government remains stable, I go on in this way, taking rifles and money from the English; and having made my foundation firm, I shall be able to fight the Russians and the English."
In his private darbars [courts] the amir used to say that the grants he received were a poll tax (java)." The statement was not entirely rhetoric. Although the amir could not fight the British or the Russians, he did not allow them to influence him in running the country. This was clear, among other things, from his negative responses to the British requests. But in this he went so far as to block the introduction of modern technology by rejecting the proposal of the viceroy that the British be allowed to construct a telegraph line connecting Kabul with Peshawar" or a railway line linking Kandahar with Herat.48 He even discontinued the work of a British specialist in a copper minc in a location near Kabul. He did all of this to deprive the British of a chance to meddle in the internal affairs of Afghanitan, This meant that the amir preferred isolationism and medieval autocracy to renewal and modernization.
Ripon to Secretary Of State for India, 13 July 83, 37, 121.
Amir •Abd al-Rahman in darbar, KD, 5 Apr. 87, PSLI, 50, 268. KD, 214-16 Feb. 94, PSLI, 73, 1029.
4' The Amir's Visit to India, 1885, psu, 44, Encl. No. 3, 7. Ibid., 15.
WITH
. ready with my army and my people to render any service, which may be required Of me or Of the Afghan nation. As the British Government have declared that it will assist me in repelling any foreign enemy, so it is right and proper that Afghanistan should unite in the firmest manner and stand side by side with the British Govcmncnt. '3
TO reciprocate the British commitment to Afghanistan, the amir added should disturbances arise in your empire of India , the people Of Afghanistan can give you friendly help by protecting the frontiers of However, this honeymoon period did not last long.
In the late 1880s, certain events stained Anglo-Afghan relations. The Government of India did not invite Kabul to participate in the Anglo-Russian Boundary Commission which was set up to delimit Afghanistan's north-western boundary, even though the issue was bound to affect the country's integrity. This angered the amir, and in retaliation he did not allow the British commission to travel to the areas through Afghanistan. The commission, under Colonel Ridgeway, then had to travel through a barren and inhospitable route along the Persian-Afghan border, mainly in Seistan. For this and his diatribes the viceroy accused the amir of using "unfriendly language and unfriendly acts.
Later, in 1889, the amir resented what he considered interference in his administration by the viceroy, Lord Lansdowne, who had sent a letter asserting that his punishment of the people of Turkestan, following the suppression of the revolt of Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan, was "abhorrent to civilization. "58 As the viceroy, Lord Elgin, later stated the amir had resented Lansdowne's interference in his internal affairs very much, and he had never forgiven him fcr sending him that letter. Consequently, this personal resentment had affected political relations disadvantageously." The amir also resented the presence of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, with over eight hundred of his followers in India, believing that that through him the Government of India intended to pressurc him.60 However, what actually restrained Anglo-Afghan relations was the British "Forward
55 Ibid, 9.
s6 Mohammad Nabi, .%üMl uu jauub, I I.
Singhal, and Ughanistan, 129.
- Lansdowne to Amir 'Abd al-Rahman, 27 Feb. 89, PSLI, 56, 721.
- Singhal, Indü and Afghanistan, 135. PD, 8 Jan. 92, PSI-I, 65, 171.
WITH
. ready with my army and my people to render any service, which may be required Of me or Of the Afghan nation. As the British Government have declared that it will assist me in repelling any foreign enemy, so it is right and proper that Afghanistan should unite in the firmest manner and stand side by side with the British Govcmncnt. '3
TO reciprocate the British commitment to Afghanistan, the amir added should disturbances arise in your empire of India , the people Of Afghanistan can give you friendly help by protecting the frontiers of However, this honeymoon period did not last long.
In the late 1880s, certain events stained Anglo-Afghan relations. The Government of India did not invite Kabul to participate in the Anglo-Russian Boundary Commission which was set up to delimit Afghanistan's north-western boundary, even though the issue was bound to affect the country's integrity. This angered the amir, and in retaliation he did not allow the British commission to travel to the areas through Afghanistan. The commission, under Colonel Ridgeway, then had to travel through a barren and inhospitable route along the Persian-Afghan border, mainly in Seistan. For this and his diatribes the viceroy accused the amir of using "unfriendly language and unfriendly acts.
Later, in 1889, the amir resented what he considered interference in his administration by the viceroy, Lord Lansdowne, who had sent a letter asserting that his punishment of the people of Turkestan, following the suppression of the revolt of Sardar Mohammad Ishaq Khan, was "abhorrent to civilization. "58 As the viceroy, Lord Elgin, later stated the amir had resented Lansdowne's interference in his internal affairs very much, and he had never forgiven him fcr sending him that letter. Consequently, this personal resentment had affected political relations disadvantageously." The amir also resented the presence of Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, with over eight hundred of his followers in India, believing that that through him the Government of India intended to pressurc him.60 However, what actually restrained Anglo-Afghan relations was the British "Forward
55 Ibid, 9.
s6 Mohammad Nabi, .%üMl uu jauub, I I.
Singhal, and Ughanistan, 129.
- Lansdowne to Amir 'Abd al-Rahman, 27 Feb. 89, PSLI, 56, 721.
- Singhal, Indü and Afghanistan, 135. PD, 8 Jan. 92, PSI-I, 65, 171.
had helped him to the throne and had afterward strengthened him with money and weapons, was out of the question. This was particularly so, when the viceroy, Lord Duffer-in, had assured him that the British government wanted
. . . to maintain a powerful, independent and united Afghanistan under a ruler capable of enforcing peace and order vshthin his own territories, Of conciliating the good-v.ril_l and confidence Of his people, and of shgwing a formidable front to an invading foe. 70
Nevertheless, mutual trust was Often lacking, and the type of relationship that developed between the amir and the British government was only the result of mutual necessity.
The amir fully realized that the British could make trouble for him, and even unseat him, as they had unseated Amir Sher CAIi Khan and Amir Mohammad Ya'qub Khan-71 Even without undertaking military action, themselves, the British could do so through the former Amir Mohammad Ya'qub Khan, Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, and hundreds of other Mohammadzay sardars and Ghilzay elders most of whom lived on British pensions in India and had followers in Afghanistan. Additionally, just around the corner was the standing menace of a Russian invasion. All of these points restrained the amir from forcing any issue at any time with the British government, and-they even prompted him to cooperate. As the viceroy, Lord Curzon, noted on the broader issues of foreign relations the amir always acted within the framework of the British imperial policy.
Nevertheless, toward the end of his reign, when he had consolidated his position, the amir acted as an independent ruler. For the sake of appeasing the Afghans72 and "[f]irmly impressed with belief in
70
had helped him to the throne and had afterward strengthened him with money and weapons, was out of the question. This was particularly so, when the viceroy, Lord Duffer-in, had assured him that the British government wanted
. . . to maintain a powerful, independent and united Afghanistan under a ruler capable of enforcing peace and order vshthin his own territories, Of conciliating the good-v.ril_l and confidence Of his people, and of shgwing a formidable front to an invading foe. 70
Nevertheless, mutual trust was Often lacking, and the type of relationship that developed between the amir and the British government was only the result of mutual necessity.
The amir fully realized that the British could make trouble for him, and even unseat him, as they had unseated Amir Sher CAIi Khan and Amir Mohammad Ya'qub Khan-71 Even without undertaking military action, themselves, the British could do so through the former Amir Mohammad Ya'qub Khan, Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, and hundreds of other Mohammadzay sardars and Ghilzay elders most of whom lived on British pensions in India and had followers in Afghanistan. Additionally, just around the corner was the standing menace of a Russian invasion. All of these points restrained the amir from forcing any issue at any time with the British government, and-they even prompted him to cooperate. As the viceroy, Lord Curzon, noted on the broader issues of foreign relations the amir always acted within the framework of the British imperial policy.
Nevertheless, toward the end of his reign, when he had consolidated his position, the amir acted as an independent ruler. For the sake of appeasing the Afghans72 and "[f]irmly impressed with belief in
70
175
had helped him to the throne and had afterward strengthened him with money and weapons, was out of the question. This was particularly so, when the viceroy, Lord Duffer-in, had assured him that the British government wanted
. . . to maintain a powerful, independent and united Afghanistan under a ruler capable of enforcing peace and order vshthin his own territories, Of conciliating the good-v.ril_l and confidence Of his people, and of shgwing a formidable front to an invading foe. 70
Nevertheless, mutual trust was Often lacking, and the type of relationship that developed between the amir and the British government was only the result of mutual necessity.
The amir fully realized that the British could make trouble for him, and even unseat him, as they had unseated Amir Sher CAIi Khan and Amir Mohammad Ya'qub Khan-71 Even without undertaking military action, themselves, the British could do so through the former Amir Mohammad Ya'qub Khan, Sardar Mohammad Ayyub Khan, and hundreds of other Mohammadzay sardars and Ghilzay elders most of whom lived on British pensions in India and had followers in Afghanistan. Additionally, just around the corner was the standing menace of a Russian invasion. All of these points restrained the amir from forcing any issue at any time with the British government, and-they even prompted him to cooperate. As the viceroy, Lord Curzon, noted on the broader issues of foreign relations the amir always acted within the framework of the British imperial policy.
Nevertheless, toward the end of his reign, when he had consolidated his position, the amir acted as an independent ruler. For the sake of appeasing the Afghans72 and "[f]irmly impressed with belief in
70
ordered from Europe by the Amir. •'W' Viceroy Lansdowne even proposed to the amir to receive Lord Roberts on a mission in Kabul with a powerful military escort, a proposal to which the amir reacted thus: "l considered the position very critical, to receive 10,000 soldiers, whom I was expected to receive as my guests. I had, therefore, to prepare 100,000 to receive them. "90 Finally, the viceroy directly warned the amir ". . . that it will be necessary to decide what territory does and what does not form part of the kingdom of Afghanistan."91 The GÆernment of India had already proposed that,
a certain line be determined and announced, beyond which the authority of the amir did not extend, and that any Afghan found beyond this line be forcibly pushed back. The line was to be marked so as to exclude Asmar, Chageh and Wana from Afghanistan."
The amir still could not be moved, and continued the delaying tactics skillfully that he had adopted since 1888, when he had been asked for the first time to receive a British mission in Kabul. He accepted only after Russia embarked on its own forward march of the 1890s, toward the Pamirs and northeastern Afghanistan. At the same time Russia urged Britain to fulfil the so-called agreement of 1873, with regard to some territories across the Oxus held by the amir's troops, as described in Chapter Seven. Apprehensive about Russia's pressure the amir, at the request of the viceroy," received a small civil British mission in Kabul, led by Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, foreign secretary to the Government of India. On November 12, 1893 the amir and Durand signed two agreements, one concerning northeastern Afghanistan, and the other concerning the southeastern region. The latter agreement, concerning the southeast, came
91
ordered from Europe by the Amir. •'W' Viceroy Lansdowne even proposed to the amir to receive Lord Roberts on a mission in Kabul with a powerful military escort, a proposal to which the amir reacted thus: "l considered the position very critical, to receive 10,000 soldiers, whom I was expected to receive as my guests. I had, therefore, to prepare 100,000 to receive them. "90 Finally, the viceroy directly warned the amir ". . . that it will be necessary to decide what territory does and what does not form part of the kingdom of Afghanistan."91 The GÆernment of India had already proposed that,
a certain line be determined and announced, beyond which the authority of the amir did not extend, and that any Afghan found beyond this line be forcibly pushed back. The line was to be marked so as to exclude Asmar, Chageh and Wana from Afghanistan."
The amir still could not be moved, and continued the delaying tactics skillfully that he had adopted since 1888, when he had been asked for the first time to receive a British mission in Kabul. He accepted only after Russia embarked on its own forward march of the 1890s, toward the Pamirs and northeastern Afghanistan. At the same time Russia urged Britain to fulfil the so-called agreement of 1873, with regard to some territories across the Oxus held by the amir's troops, as described in Chapter Seven. Apprehensive about Russia's pressure the amir, at the request of the viceroy," received a small civil British mission in Kabul, led by Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, foreign secretary to the Government of India. On November 12, 1893 the amir and Durand signed two agreements, one concerning northeastern Afghanistan, and the other concerning the southeastern region. The latter agreement, concerning the southeast, came
91
ordered from Europe by the Amir. •'W' Viceroy Lansdowne even proposed to the amir to receive Lord Roberts on a mission in Kabul with a powerful military escort, a proposal to which the amir reacted thus: "l considered the position very critical, to receive 10,000 soldiers, whom I was expected to receive as my guests. I had, therefore, to prepare 100,000 to receive them. "90 Finally, the viceroy directly warned the amir ". . . that it will be necessary to decide what territory does and what does not form part of the kingdom of Afghanistan."91 The GÆernment of India had already proposed that,
a certain line be determined and announced, beyond which the authority of the amir did not extend, and that any Afghan found beyond this line be forcibly pushed back. The line was to be marked so as to exclude Asmar, Chageh and Wana from Afghanistan."
The amir still could not be moved, and continued the delaying tactics skillfully that he had adopted since 1888, when he had been asked for the first time to receive a British mission in Kabul. He accepted only after Russia embarked on its own forward march of the 1890s, toward the Pamirs and northeastern Afghanistan. At the same time Russia urged Britain to fulfil the so-called agreement of 1873, with regard to some territories across the Oxus held by the amir's troops, as described in Chapter Seven. Apprehensive about Russia's pressure the amir, at the request of the viceroy," received a small civil British mission in Kabul, led by Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, foreign secretary to the Government of India. On November 12, 1893 the amir and Durand signed two agreements, one concerning northeastern Afghanistan, and the other concerning the southeastern region. The latter agreement, concerning the southeast, came
91
ordered from Europe by the Amir. •'W' Viceroy Lansdowne even proposed to the amir to receive Lord Roberts on a mission in Kabul with a powerful military escort, a proposal to which the amir reacted thus: "l considered the position very critical, to receive 10,000 soldiers, whom I was expected to receive as my guests. I had, therefore, to prepare 100,000 to receive them. "90 Finally, the viceroy directly warned the amir ". . . that it will be necessary to decide what territory does and what does not form part of the kingdom of Afghanistan."91 The GÆernment of India had already proposed that,
a certain line be determined and announced, beyond which the authority of the amir did not extend, and that any Afghan found beyond this line be forcibly pushed back. The line was to be marked so as to exclude Asmar, Chageh and Wana from Afghanistan."
The amir still could not be moved, and continued the delaying tactics skillfully that he had adopted since 1888, when he had been asked for the first time to receive a British mission in Kabul. He accepted only after Russia embarked on its own forward march of the 1890s, toward the Pamirs and northeastern Afghanistan. At the same time Russia urged Britain to fulfil the so-called agreement of 1873, with regard to some territories across the Oxus held by the amir's troops, as described in Chapter Seven. Apprehensive about Russia's pressure the amir, at the request of the viceroy," received a small civil British mission in Kabul, led by Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, foreign secretary to the Government of India. On November 12, 1893 the amir and Durand signed two agreements, one concerning northeastern Afghanistan, and the other concerning the southeastern region. The latter agreement, concerning the southeast, came
91
ordered from Europe by the Amir. •'W' Viceroy Lansdowne even proposed to the amir to receive Lord Roberts on a mission in Kabul with a powerful military escort, a proposal to which the amir reacted thus: "l considered the position very critical, to receive 10,000 soldiers, whom I was expected to receive as my guests. I had, therefore, to prepare 100,000 to receive them. "90 Finally, the viceroy directly warned the amir ". . . that it will be necessary to decide what territory does and what does not form part of the kingdom of Afghanistan."91 The GÆernment of India had already proposed that,
a certain line be determined and announced, beyond which the authority of the amir did not extend, and that any Afghan found beyond this line be forcibly pushed back. The line was to be marked so as to exclude Asmar, Chageh and Wana from Afghanistan."
The amir still could not be moved, and continued the delaying tactics skillfully that he had adopted since 1888, when he had been asked for the first time to receive a British mission in Kabul. He accepted only after Russia embarked on its own forward march of the 1890s, toward the Pamirs and northeastern Afghanistan. At the same time Russia urged Britain to fulfil the so-called agreement of 1873, with regard to some territories across the Oxus held by the amir's troops, as described in Chapter Seven. Apprehensive about Russia's pressure the amir, at the request of the viceroy," received a small civil British mission in Kabul, led by Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, foreign secretary to the Government of India. On November 12, 1893 the amir and Durand signed two agreements, one concerning northeastern Afghanistan, and the other concerning the southeastern region. The latter agreement, concerning the southeast, came
91
ordered from Europe by the Amir. •'W' Viceroy Lansdowne even proposed to the amir to receive Lord Roberts on a mission in Kabul with a powerful military escort, a proposal to which the amir reacted thus: "l considered the position very critical, to receive 10,000 soldiers, whom I was expected to receive as my guests. I had, therefore, to prepare 100,000 to receive them. "90 Finally, the viceroy directly warned the amir ". . . that it will be necessary to decide what territory does and what does not form part of the kingdom of Afghanistan."91 The GÆernment of India had already proposed that,
a certain line be determined and announced, beyond which the authority of the amir did not extend, and that any Afghan found beyond this line be forcibly pushed back. The line was to be marked so as to exclude Asmar, Chageh and Wana from Afghanistan."
The amir still could not be moved, and continued the delaying tactics skillfully that he had adopted since 1888, when he had been asked for the first time to receive a British mission in Kabul. He accepted only after Russia embarked on its own forward march of the 1890s, toward the Pamirs and northeastern Afghanistan. At the same time Russia urged Britain to fulfil the so-called agreement of 1873, with regard to some territories across the Oxus held by the amir's troops, as described in Chapter Seven. Apprehensive about Russia's pressure the amir, at the request of the viceroy," received a small civil British mission in Kabul, led by Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, foreign secretary to the Government of India. On November 12, 1893 the amir and Durand signed two agreements, one concerning northeastern Afghanistan, and the other concerning the southeastern region. The latter agreement, concerning the southeast, came
91
ordered from Europe by the Amir. •'W' Viceroy Lansdowne even proposed to the amir to receive Lord Roberts on a mission in Kabul with a powerful military escort, a proposal to which the amir reacted thus: "l considered the position very critical, to receive 10,000 soldiers, whom I was expected to receive as my guests. I had, therefore, to prepare 100,000 to receive them. "90 Finally, the viceroy directly warned the amir ". . . that it will be necessary to decide what territory does and what does not form part of the kingdom of Afghanistan."91 The GÆernment of India had already proposed that,
a certain line be determined and announced, beyond which the authority of the amir did not extend, and that any Afghan found beyond this line be forcibly pushed back. The line was to be marked so as to exclude Asmar, Chageh and Wana from Afghanistan."
The amir still could not be moved, and continued the delaying tactics skillfully that he had adopted since 1888, when he had been asked for the first time to receive a British mission in Kabul. He accepted only after Russia embarked on its own forward march of the 1890s, toward the Pamirs and northeastern Afghanistan. At the same time Russia urged Britain to fulfil the so-called agreement of 1873, with regard to some territories across the Oxus held by the amir's troops, as described in Chapter Seven. Apprehensive about Russia's pressure the amir, at the request of the viceroy," received a small civil British mission in Kabul, led by Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, foreign secretary to the Government of India. On November 12, 1893 the amir and Durand signed two agreements, one concerning northeastern Afghanistan, and the other concerning the southeastern region. The latter agreement, concerning the southeast, came
91
ordered from Europe by the Amir. •'W' Viceroy Lansdowne even proposed to the amir to receive Lord Roberts on a mission in Kabul with a powerful military escort, a proposal to which the amir reacted thus: "l considered the position very critical, to receive 10,000 soldiers, whom I was expected to receive as my guests. I had, therefore, to prepare 100,000 to receive them. "90 Finally, the viceroy directly warned the amir ". . . that it will be necessary to decide what territory does and what does not form part of the kingdom of Afghanistan."91 The GÆernment of India had already proposed that,
a certain line be determined and announced, beyond which the authority of the amir did not extend, and that any Afghan found beyond this line be forcibly pushed back. The line was to be marked so as to exclude Asmar, Chageh and Wana from Afghanistan."
The amir still could not be moved, and continued the delaying tactics skillfully that he had adopted since 1888, when he had been asked for the first time to receive a British mission in Kabul. He accepted only after Russia embarked on its own forward march of the 1890s, toward the Pamirs and northeastern Afghanistan. At the same time Russia urged Britain to fulfil the so-called agreement of 1873, with regard to some territories across the Oxus held by the amir's troops, as described in Chapter Seven. Apprehensive about Russia's pressure the amir, at the request of the viceroy," received a small civil British mission in Kabul, led by Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, foreign secretary to the Government of India. On November 12, 1893 the amir and Durand signed two agreements, one concerning northeastern Afghanistan, and the other concerning the southeastern region. The latter agreement, concerning the southeast, came
91
The Durand Agreement was an agreement to define the respective spheres Of influence of the British government and of the amir. Its Object was to preserve and to obtain the amir's acceptance of the status quo.113
The author, Louis Dupree, has grasped the essence or the agreement in stating that the object of the Durand Line was 6'. . . the extension Of the British authority and not of the Indian frontier." Further, he states "The Line was not described as the boundary of India, but as the eastern and southern frontier of the amir's domains, and the limits of the respective spheres of the two governments."116
By the word "interference" the amir as well as his successors meant armed interference, and they did not consider influencing the tribes) 17 to be a breach of the contract. 118 That was why they continually influenced the tribesrnen through many and varied non-military means in spite of the agreement. Further, like his predecessors, Amir Abd al-Rahman also looked on the tribesmen as the people of Afghanistan, and the Indus as the natural and demographic boundary of the country. 119 As described in Chapter Four, the people of the region were overwhelmingly Pashtuns, and Afghanistan itself had originated from this region.
By the amir's compelled adherence to the status quo, the Durand Line checked the extension of his actual control over his own kinsmen, depriving him . , of his natural sovereignty over the kindred Pathans of Bajaur and Swat."120 Hastily drawn on the map with a lack of local knowledge, the Line was not based on any natural,
The Durand Agreement was an agreement to define the respective spheres Of influence of the British government and of the amir. Its Object was to preserve and to obtain the amir's acceptance of the status quo.113
The author, Louis Dupree, has grasped the essence or the agreement in stating that the object of the Durand Line was 6'. . . the extension Of the British authority and not of the Indian frontier." Further, he states "The Line was not described as the boundary of India, but as the eastern and southern frontier of the amir's domains, and the limits of the respective spheres of the two governments."116
By the word "interference" the amir as well as his successors meant armed interference, and they did not consider influencing the tribes) 17 to be a breach of the contract. 118 That was why they continually influenced the tribesrnen through many and varied non-military means in spite of the agreement. Further, like his predecessors, Amir Abd al-Rahman also looked on the tribesmen as the people of Afghanistan, and the Indus as the natural and demographic boundary of the country. 119 As described in Chapter Four, the people of the region were overwhelmingly Pashtuns, and Afghanistan itself had originated from this region.
By the amir's compelled adherence to the status quo, the Durand Line checked the extension of his actual control over his own kinsmen, depriving him . , of his natural sovereignty over the kindred Pathans of Bajaur and Swat."120 Hastily drawn on the map with a lack of local knowledge, the Line was not based on any natural,
The Durand Agreement was an agreement to define the respective spheres Of influence of the British government and of the amir. Its Object was to preserve and to obtain the amir's acceptance of the status quo.113
The author, Louis Dupree, has grasped the essence or the agreement in stating that the object of the Durand Line was 6'. . . the extension Of the British authority and not of the Indian frontier." Further, he states "The Line was not described as the boundary of India, but as the eastern and southern frontier of the amir's domains, and the limits of the respective spheres of the two governments."116
By the word "interference" the amir as well as his successors meant armed interference, and they did not consider influencing the tribes) 17 to be a breach of the contract. 118 That was why they continually influenced the tribesrnen through many and varied non-military means in spite of the agreement. Further, like his predecessors, Amir Abd al-Rahman also looked on the tribesmen as the people of Afghanistan, and the Indus as the natural and demographic boundary of the country. 119 As described in Chapter Four, the people of the region were overwhelmingly Pashtuns, and Afghanistan itself had originated from this region.
By the amir's compelled adherence to the status quo, the Durand Line checked the extension of his actual control over his own kinsmen, depriving him . , of his natural sovereignty over the kindred Pathans of Bajaur and Swat."120 Hastily drawn on the map with a lack of local knowledge, the Line was not based on any natural,
The Durand Agreement was an agreement to define the respective spheres Of influence of the British government and of the amir. Its Object was to preserve and to obtain the amir's acceptance of the status quo.113
The author, Louis Dupree, has grasped the essence or the agreement in stating that the object of the Durand Line was 6'. . . the extension Of the British authority and not of the Indian frontier." Further, he states "The Line was not described as the boundary of India, but as the eastern and southern frontier of the amir's domains, and the limits of the respective spheres of the two governments."116
By the word "interference" the amir as well as his successors meant armed interference, and they did not consider influencing the tribes) 17 to be a breach of the contract. 118 That was why they continually influenced the tribesrnen through many and varied non-military means in spite of the agreement. Further, like his predecessors, Amir Abd al-Rahman also looked on the tribesmen as the people of Afghanistan, and the Indus as the natural and demographic boundary of the country. 119 As described in Chapter Four, the people of the region were overwhelmingly Pashtuns, and Afghanistan itself had originated from this region.
By the amir's compelled adherence to the status quo, the Durand Line checked the extension of his actual control over his own kinsmen, depriving him . , of his natural sovereignty over the kindred Pathans of Bajaur and Swat."120 Hastily drawn on the map with a lack of local knowledge, the Line was not based on any natural,
TEN
bey)nd the borderland already affected, but he held to his engagements qith a high sense of honor and remained faithful to the pledges given to the British
- I-he amir believed that he had saved Afghanistan, and his dynasty from imminent danger, but actually consented to the fragmentation of the country in the long run. and had alienated such a great portion of the population, including those who had taken a leading part in founding the country in the eighteenth century and who had defended it against external aggressors ever since. Consequently, it was natural for them to complain as they actually did When the British overran their country. They complained that the amir did not care, because, as they put it, he had sold them . to the British Government for money." As an excuse in a carefully written proclamation that was intended for the British, the amir declared that . . as you did not consult me when you raised this revolt, you are not justified in throwing blame on me." After reviewing Amir Sher cAi Khan's policy toward the British, which ultimately led to the downfall of his dynasty, Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan continued," Don't be led to think that, like Amir Sher CAli Khan, am such a fool as to annoy and offend others for your sake." However, he was careful not to alienate them forever, stating, "1f you now choose to leavc yourselves at my disposal and authority I shall try, please God, to settle your affairs with the British government satisfactorily. "134
The uprising, the military operations and the consequent expenditures made the British also cautious not to antagonize further either the tribesmen or the amir. A senior British offcial madc the folloving recommendation•
[I]nstruct our omcials on the frontier not to push forward, and not to give the amir any cause for suspicion. I would wait until the amir dies before making any further endeavor to bring the tribes under our control. believe we lose nothing by the delay. 135
Quoted in Singhal, India and Afghanistan, 162.
For details see, Amir 'Abd al-Rahman, Izah al-Bayan fee Nasihat al-Afghan [A Word of Explanation for the Benefit of Afghans], (Dari), 13 Aug 97, Sir R., Udny to secretary to government of Panjab, 24 Scpt. 97, PSLI, 96, No. 1043, No.
376.
Gulzad, 4#an 236.
REIATIONS wrrll THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT OF INDIA 191
In conclusion, to obviate an assumed threat to their Indian empire the British deprived Amir CAbd al-Rahman Khan and his successors from their right to govern their kinsmen in the hope that the) themselves could do so to ensure the requirements of the Forward Policy. However, with the demarcation of the Durand Line they set in motion a movement that ultimately led to the division of Afghanistan and the bifurcation of the Pashtuns who had been the backbone of the country, founding and safeguarding it. This provoked the tribes to the extent that because of it they (the British) failed in their efforts to ensure the requirement of the Forward policy, despite their nuity in colonial affairs, their skill in dealing with overseas nations, and their military prowess as a superpower of the time.
Although the British still persisted in the implementation of the Forward Policy, the people of the region persisted in their efforts to retain their independence. To keep these ever-defiant people compliant, the British frequently undertook military expeditions against them, especially after the amir died, in 1901. In response, the local people continually resisted, and even carried on raids on India itself. For instance, from 1920 to 1938—that is, in the course of 18 years— they carried on eighteen such raids from the Tribal Areas. l %
An incidental corollary of these military expeditions and raids, as well as that of the Anglo-Afghan wars, was the strengthening of religious and xenophobic feelings of the people and the incremental increase in the influence of religious personalities. The raids were called ghazas in emulation of the raids carried on in Arabia at time of the Prophet Muhammad. Individual tribesmen likewise distinguished themselves in shovving their opposition to the Durand Line sometimes with such daring enterprises that they soon turned into legends. A conspicuous example of such a legend is the story of CAjab Khan Afriday, who abducted Miss Elis, a British woman, from her family, which was securely quartered in Peshawar, and treated her as an honorable guest, even providing her with European food that he stealthily procured from Peshawar. The story of these people's struggle is an odyssey of a fight for independence. All of this activity kept alive anti-British feeling and a state of permanent ararchy
Akbar, "Pakhtun Tribes in the Great Game", 195.
Mohmand, Siyal, de Mohmando Ghazaganay, (Pashto), [The Raids Of the Mohmands], University Book Agency, Peshawar, 1354/1975.
CHATTER TEN
pregnant with local and international tensions, not only during a timc when the British ruled India until 1947, and also to the present day. This colonial legacy is still a source of local and international conflict. and probably remain so until it is settled to the satisfaction of all those affcctcd by it.
CHAPI'ER ELEVEN
RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA AND THE RUSSIAN OCCUPATION OF PANJDEH
Relations with Russia
Thc first official contact between Russia and Afghanistan was madc in 1837, when the government of Russia sent Captain Paul Vitkevich to Kabul to obtain its support for Persia's design on. Herat. Since the province of Herat was a part of Afghanistan, but then besieged by Persia, it was impossible for Vitkevich to succeed in his nis»on. What he actually did in Kabul is unknown, but whatoer overtures he might have made to Amir Dost Mohammad Khan, were rejected. Ironically, the Vitkevich's mission along with Persia's siege of Herat provided an alibi for the British Government of India to nvade Afghanistan, in 1838. The British Government feared that since after the conclusion of the Tukomanchay treaty in 1828, Persia had been under the influence of Russia, its occupation of Herat might endanger its Indian colony.
Earlier in the century, especially in the 1830s, some British and Indian Muslim travelers, among them Eldred Pottinger, Alexander Burnes, James Abbott, John \Vood, Percival Lord, 'Izzat Allah and Mehdi 'Ali Khan, had established that the routes through which Russia could reach India led through Afghanistan.2 Thereafter, Herat was looked upon as the key or the gate to India. At that time, the Indian offcial circles believed that "[o]f all the external influences beyond Indian frontiers, the Russian advance in Central Asia threatening British supremacy in Afghanistan constituted the greatest danger."3 The "danger" also had something to do with the nature of
Yapp, M. E. , Straugies of Britivh India. Britain, Iran and Ughanistan, 1798—1850. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1980, 234, 235. am grateful to Professor Yapp my Former supervisor at the University of London for giving me a copy of this excellent book. Waller, J. H., Boond the hJ•ber Pass, The Road to Blitish Disaster he First War, University of Austin Press, 1993, 97.
Gulzad, ne Afghan Stu, 15.
3 Singhal, and Ughanistan, x].
the Russian empire that was compact, centralized, expanding and run autocratically by unpredictable masters. Also, as Plehvc, Russia•s minister of the interior stated at the time, "Russia has been made by bayonets not diplomacy." Actually, as B. H. Sumner states, ". . . the
root of the trouble lay in St. Petersburg itsclf where the different ministries were usually at loggerheads Bith one another, as well as often disided within themselves."4 The British Empire, in comparison, was diffused, open, and ruled democratically. Since it had already reached its broadest limits its masters concerned themselves mainly 'svith safeguarding it. However, after the Vitkevich's mission Russia, did not pose a danger for Afghanistan for a quarter of a century.
After its defeat in the Crimean war (1854—56) and the perceived failure of its policies in Europe, Russia embarked on expansion southward in the vast region of Central Asia. Early in the century, it had already subdued the Kazakh steppes and established a strong military fort in Orenburg from which it dispatched troops in every direction. In 1864, Russia extended its authority to the borders of the organized • khanates, or states, of Khoqand, Bukhara and Khiva (Khwarazm or Khorezm). In the followhlg year (1865), it occupied Tashkand; in 1867, it created the new province of Russian Turkestan and compelled Muzafar al-Din, the amir of Bukhara, to sign a treaty in which he placed his state under Russia's protection; and in 1868, Russia annexed Samarqand. 5 Russia then became, for the first time, co-terminous with Afghanistan and the Russian-dominated Central Asia a rival to the British-dominated South Asia.
Russia's advances sharpened the so-called 'Great Game.' Played by different actors in various forms to the present day, the phrase was first coined in the 1840s by a British traveler, Captain Arthur Conolly, and immortalized years later by the British poet, Rudyar Kipling, in his novel, The 'Great Game' referred to the rivalry that existed between Russia and Britain over the domination of Central Asia. The chessboard on which it was played was, however, much wider in extent and ". . . stretched from the snow-capped Caucasus in the west, across the great deserts and mountain ranges
Sumner, B. H., Tsardom and Impaiah.m in the Far East and Midd& East, 1880—1914, Archon Boks, 1986, 6, 14.
s Singhal, India and Afghanistan, 9. Audrey, C. Sh., brag rears
Asian afghani-Stan Pakistan, University Press of America, Ianham, New York, 1994, 17.
AFGHANISTAN'S RELATIONS wrrH RUSSIA 195
of Central Asia, to Chinese Turkestan and Tibet in the east.
According to Peter Hopkirk. "The ultimate prize, or so it was fcarcd in London and Calcutta, and fervently hoped by ambitious Russians serving in Asia, was British India.'"'
The 'Great Game' escalated after Russia madc Khiva a protcctorate in 1873 and occupied Khoqand three years later, in 1876. This state, which included the fertile Fcrghana valley, was subsequendy abolished by Russia. The 'Great Game' became likewise a challenge to the rulers of Afghanistan ',Gth regard to how to safeguard their country at a time when the viceroys and military generals of the expanding Asian empires of Russia and Britain were trying to occupy new territories. All of this was in an age when no international community existed to curb the expansionist drive of the colonial powers. As noted in Chapter Ten, Russia regarded Afghanistan as a coun beyond its sphere of influence as the result of an understanding that had been reached between it and Britain, in 1873. Nevertheless, in 1878, Russia's governor-general at Tashkand, General Constantine P.von Kauffmann, forced a mission under General Stolietoff on Arrir Sher CAIi Khan in Kabul. Stolietoff is said to have concluded a defensive and offensive treaty with the amir? Two Afghan senior omcials, Mohammad Nabi and Mohammad Hassan Khan, later tdd General Roberts in Kabul, after he had occupied it that a "treaty" had been concluded. However, from the correspondence exchanged between the amir and Kauffmann the author D. P. Singhal has concluded that there was no 'treaty' at all." He has based his conclusion on the amir's letters, in which he had asked for military assistance from Russia without invoking the treaty. He had only requested Of Mohammad Hassan Khan, who was then in Tashkand, that Russia not withhold the aid of troops at this time of need and in accordance with the requirements of the friendship between the two Governments, and not to defer the aid till some other time, but to send to Ughan Turkestan the 32,000 troops of Tashkand which Geneal Stolietof told in your presence tvere reab and would be dispatched whenevc I required them. "B
6 Hopkirk, p. Great Game, The for Empire in Central Asia, Kandarbha International, New York, London, 1992, 2.
- Singhal, India and 4khanishn, 34.
- Singhal, D. P., "Russian Correspondence with Kabul, 1870-1879", Thtjmmal History, April 1963, No. 121, vol. W, Part 1, 122, 125.
lier a
Afghan Turkestan, the amir, in a letter, addressed to Kauffmann expressed his desire to proceed to the Russian capital to have a congress held there to inquire into and settle my cause with the English after asking them what right they had to advance on Afghanistan." Kauffmann hastened to advise the amir not to leave your kingdom", adding that the "Emperor has caused the British Government to agree to the continuance of Afghan independence, and that the "British Government have promised this." However, subsequently he wrote that the Czar had directed him to ask the amir to come to Tashkand. With regard to the military aid requested by the amir, he had earlier replied that " . it is imposSible to assist you now. I hope you will be fortunate. It all depends on the decree of God."9 Ill, betrayed, and helpless, the amir died in Mazar on February 21, 1879. Singhal writes,
Thus ended the life of a prince who refused to surrender an iota Of dignity before the threat of war and betrayal Of friendship alike, to accept diminution of his authority as a prelude to certain foreign domination, as had happened to many Indian and Asian princes. 10
When the British invaded Afghanistan, Russia ignored the treaty if it had been concluded. Russia not only did not provide arms and assistance to the amir, as it had agreed to if Afghanistan was attacked; Kauffmann even refused permission to the amir to cross the border, in January 1879. 11
When Amir Sher CAIi Khan had died and his son and successor, Amir Mohammad Yayqub Khan, had been deported to India, and the roads south of the Hindu Kush had been occupied by the British, Russian omcials in Tashkand seemed to have devised a plan with regard to northem Afghanistan. This was during the period when
196
lier a
Afghan Turkestan, the amir, in a letter, addressed to Kauffmann expressed his desire to proceed to the Russian capital to have a congress held there to inquire into and settle my cause with the English after asking them what right they had to advance on Afghanistan." Kauffmann hastened to advise the amir not to leave your kingdom", adding that the "Emperor has caused the British Government to agree to the continuance of Afghan independence, and that the "British Government have promised this." However, subsequently he wrote that the Czar had directed him to ask the amir to come to Tashkand. With regard to the military aid requested by the amir, he had earlier replied that " . it is imposSible to assist you now. I hope you will be fortunate. It all depends on the decree of God."9 Ill, betrayed, and helpless, the amir died in Mazar on February 21, 1879. Singhal writes,
Thus ended the life of a prince who refused to surrender an iota Of dignity before the threat of war and betrayal Of friendship alike, to accept diminution of his authority as a prelude to certain foreign domination, as had happened to many Indian and Asian princes. 10
When the British invaded Afghanistan, Russia ignored the treaty if it had been concluded. Russia not only did not provide arms and assistance to the amir, as it had agreed to if Afghanistan was attacked; Kauffmann even refused permission to the amir to cross the border, in January 1879. 11
When Amir Sher CAIi Khan had died and his son and successor, Amir Mohammad Yayqub Khan, had been deported to India, and the roads south of the Hindu Kush had been occupied by the British, Russian omcials in Tashkand seemed to have devised a plan with regard to northem Afghanistan. This was during the period when
196
lier a
Afghan Turkestan, the amir, in a letter, addressed to Kauffmann expressed his desire to proceed to the Russian capital to have a congress held there to inquire into and settle my cause with the English after asking them what right they had to advance on Afghanistan." Kauffmann hastened to advise the amir not to leave your kingdom", adding that the "Emperor has caused the British Government to agree to the continuance of Afghan independence, and that the "British Government have promised this." However, subsequently he wrote that the Czar had directed him to ask the amir to come to Tashkand. With regard to the military aid requested by the amir, he had earlier replied that " . it is imposSible to assist you now. I hope you will be fortunate. It all depends on the decree of God."9 Ill, betrayed, and helpless, the amir died in Mazar on February 21, 1879. Singhal writes,
Thus ended the life of a prince who refused to surrender an iota Of dignity before the threat of war and betrayal Of friendship alike, to accept diminution of his authority as a prelude to certain foreign domination, as had happened to many Indian and Asian princes. 10
When the British invaded Afghanistan, Russia ignored the treaty if it had been concluded. Russia not only did not provide arms and assistance to the amir, as it had agreed to if Afghanistan was attacked; Kauffmann even refused permission to the amir to cross the border, in January 1879. 11
When Amir Sher CAIi Khan had died and his son and successor, Amir Mohammad Yayqub Khan, had been deported to India, and the roads south of the Hindu Kush had been occupied by the British, Russian omcials in Tashkand seemed to have devised a plan with regard to northem Afghanistan. This was during the period when
196
lier a
Afghan Turkestan, the amir, in a letter, addressed to Kauffmann expressed his desire to proceed to the Russian capital to have a congress held there to inquire into and settle my cause with the English after asking them what right they had to advance on Afghanistan." Kauffmann hastened to advise the amir not to leave your kingdom", adding that the "Emperor has caused the British Government to agree to the continuance of Afghan independence, and that the "British Government have promised this." However, subsequently he wrote that the Czar had directed him to ask the amir to come to Tashkand. With regard to the military aid requested by the amir, he had earlier replied that " . it is imposSible to assist you now. I hope you will be fortunate. It all depends on the decree of God."9 Ill, betrayed, and helpless, the amir died in Mazar on February 21, 1879. Singhal writes,
Thus ended the life of a prince who refused to surrender an iota Of dignity before the threat of war and betrayal Of friendship alike, to accept diminution of his authority as a prelude to certain foreign domination, as had happened to many Indian and Asian princes. 10
When the British invaded Afghanistan, Russia ignored the treaty if it had been concluded. Russia not only did not provide arms and assistance to the amir, as it had agreed to if Afghanistan was attacked; Kauffmann even refused permission to the amir to cross the border, in January 1879. 11
When Amir Sher CAIi Khan had died and his son and successor, Amir Mohammad Yayqub Khan, had been deported to India, and the roads south of the Hindu Kush had been occupied by the British, Russian omcials in Tashkand seemed to have devised a plan with regard to northem Afghanistan. This was during the period when
196
lier a
Afghan Turkestan, the amir, in a letter, addressed to Kauffmann expressed his desire to proceed to the Russian capital to have a congress held there to inquire into and settle my cause with the English after asking them what right they had to advance on Afghanistan." Kauffmann hastened to advise the amir not to leave your kingdom", adding that the "Emperor has caused the British Government to agree to the continuance of Afghan independence, and that the "British Government have promised this." However, subsequently he wrote that the Czar had directed him to ask the amir to come to Tashkand. With regard to the military aid requested by the amir, he had earlier replied that " . it is imposSible to assist you now. I hope you will be fortunate. It all depends on the decree of God."9 Ill, betrayed, and helpless, the amir died in Mazar on February 21, 1879. Singhal writes,
Thus ended the life of a prince who refused to surrender an iota Of dignity before the threat of war and betrayal Of friendship alike, to accept diminution of his authority as a prelude to certain foreign domination, as had happened to many Indian and Asian princes. 10
When the British invaded Afghanistan, Russia ignored the treaty if it had been concluded. Russia not only did not provide arms and assistance to the amir, as it had agreed to if Afghanistan was attacked; Kauffmann even refused permission to the amir to cross the border, in January 1879. 11
When Amir Sher CAIi Khan had died and his son and successor, Amir Mohammad Yayqub Khan, had been deported to India, and the roads south of the Hindu Kush had been occupied by the British, Russian omcials in Tashkand seemed to have devised a plan with regard to northem Afghanistan. This was during the period when
196
lier a
Afghan Turkestan, the amir, in a letter, addressed to Kauffmann expressed his desire to proceed to the Russian capital to have a congress held there to inquire into and settle my cause with the English after asking them what right they had to advance on Afghanistan." Kauffmann hastened to advise the amir not to leave your kingdom", adding that the "Emperor has caused the British Government to agree to the continuance of Afghan independence, and that the "British Government have promised this." However, subsequently he wrote that the Czar had directed him to ask the amir to come to Tashkand. With regard to the military aid requested by the amir, he had earlier replied that " . it is imposSible to assist you now. I hope you will be fortunate. It all depends on the decree of God."9 Ill, betrayed, and helpless, the amir died in Mazar on February 21, 1879. Singhal writes,
Thus ended the life of a prince who refused to surrender an iota Of dignity before the threat of war and betrayal Of friendship alike, to accept diminution of his authority as a prelude to certain foreign domination, as had happened to many Indian and Asian princes. 10
When the British invaded Afghanistan, Russia ignored the treaty if it had been concluded. Russia not only did not provide arms and assistance to the amir, as it had agreed to if Afghanistan was attacked; Kauffmann even refused permission to the amir to cross the border, in January 1879. 11
When Amir Sher CAIi Khan had died and his son and successor, Amir Mohammad Yayqub Khan, had been deported to India, and the roads south of the Hindu Kush had been occupied by the British, Russian omcials in Tashkand seemed to have devised a plan with regard to northem Afghanistan. This was during the period when
196
lier a
Afghan Turkestan, the amir, in a letter, addressed to Kauffmann expressed his desire to proceed to the Russian capital to have a congress held there to inquire into and settle my cause with the English after asking them what right they had to advance on Afghanistan." Kauffmann hastened to advise the amir not to leave your kingdom", adding that the "Emperor has caused the British Government to agree to the continuance of Afghan independence, and that the "British Government have promised this." However, subsequently he wrote that the Czar had directed him to ask the amir to come to Tashkand. With regard to the military aid requested by the amir, he had earlier replied that " . it is imposSible to assist you now. I hope you will be fortunate. It all depends on the decree of God."9 Ill, betrayed, and helpless, the amir died in Mazar on February 21, 1879. Singhal writes,
Thus ended the life of a prince who refused to surrender an iota Of dignity before the threat of war and betrayal Of friendship alike, to accept diminution of his authority as a prelude to certain foreign domination, as had happened to many Indian and Asian princes. 10
When the British invaded Afghanistan, Russia ignored the treaty if it had been concluded. Russia not only did not provide arms and assistance to the amir, as it had agreed to if Afghanistan was attacked; Kauffmann even refused permission to the amir to cross the border, in January 1879. 11
When Amir Sher CAIi Khan had died and his son and successor, Amir Mohammad Yayqub Khan, had been deported to India, and the roads south of the Hindu Kush had been occupied by the British, Russian omcials in Tashkand seemed to have devised a plan with regard to northem Afghanistan. This was during the period when
AFGm.NISTAN•s RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA 203
a certain blunt autocratic naivete"52 applies to all of the Czars in various degrees. As a colonial power, Russia, like Britain, had deliberately set out on the road to grab land. In this situation its high priests, like Gortchakov, formulated views that justified not only the occupation of land, but also the slaughter of indigenous people, the plundering of their collective wealth, and the resulting disruption of their social. order.
Afghanistan's claim to the region inhabited by the Turkmen was historical as well as demographic. The Turkmen were linked to Afghanistan through Herat. Ghobar, maintains that Merv was a province of Afghanistan for centuries." According to Qui Sa'd alDin, the governor of Herat, formerly the elders of Merv and of Sarakhs accompanied Afghan rulers as their vassals, and, because they were subject to Herat, the elders of Akhal and the Tekke Turkmen were with Amir Sher 'Ali Khan in Kabul.S4 The Sarik Turkmen of Panjdeh were still more closely linked to Herat. Formerly, the Jamshedis, who were subject to Herat, inhabited Panjdeh, but were driven out of it by the Ax-sari Turkmen who, nevertheless, agreed to pay tribute to them. The Arsari Turkmen were, ir turn, expelled by the Sarik Turkmen in about the middle of the nineteenth century.55 The new settlers also agreed to pay tribute to the Jamshedi tribe, which had always been subject to Herat.56 In addition to the fact that the northem frontier of Panjdeh beyond Sari Yazi was the natural and traditional frontier of Herat,57 and that Merv itself was a dependency of Herat, by the time the Russians approached Panjdeh, the Afghans had established their rule
All of this demonstrates that Panjdeh was ethnically, geographically as well as historically a part of Herat, and through it a part of Afghanistan.
This explains why Amir %Abd al-Rahman Khan, who knew the area well, Ifavored a forward policy there." a Muslim ruler, he enjoyed the support of the Muslim mlers of Central Asia and northern
52 Sumner, Tsardom and Impriaåsm, 6.
Ghobar, Afghanistan Dar Masir-e-Tari", 674. Fayz Mohammad, al- 47. ss Yate, North 4fghanistan, 186. Fayz Mohammad, Sir$ al-Tauarih, 499.
Yate, North Ughanistan, 178.
peter Lumsden, Chief member Of the British delegadon to the Joint Afghan Boundary Commission quoted in Singhal, and 1 17. " Ibid., 113.
204 C.HAVI'ER
Nluslirn India, in particular the tribal area (later offcially called the North4Vest Frontier of India) and, after the fall of Panjdeh, these elders asked him to declare a jihad against Russia. M' A number of elders from Central Asia had either taken asylum with the amir, or cngagcd in correspondence with him."l Others, from Central Asia, had promised him that they would rise against Russia from within, when he rose against it from without."2 Consequently, because of these assurances the amir believed that in the event of war with Russia the Turkmen would rise en masse against it.63 As late as 1889, he even cherished the idea of raising a rebellion against Russia and becoming a second Timur Lane.G4
In spite of all this, when the Russian forces arrived near ranjdeh, Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan instructed his army under the command of General Ghous al-Din Khan to desist from opposing them when they chose to attack it, and to retreat to Bala Murghab.65 He did so for the following reasons. First, he had been discouraged in his forward policy in the area by the British. In 1881, they had advised him not to accept the allegiance66 of the Tekke Turkmen of Merv, offered by their ruler, Makhdum Quli Khan.67 Perhaps for the same reason, the amir had earlier turned down the offer of submission by the khan of khwarazm.bö Second, the British government had ignored the amir's warnings for the delimitation of the undefined boundaries of Afghanistan with Russia,68 in spite of his repeated complaints to the effect that the British had abandoned their responsibilities with regard to Afghanistan, and about impending advances by Russia.70 At first, neither Britain nor India took the amir's warnings seriously. The viceroy, Lord Ripon, only reminded him that Afghan boundaries with Russia were so fixed in 1873, and that it would be unwise to reopen the question.71
- Fan Mohammad, Siro al-Taunnkh, 474.
- , 483.
- Mohammad Nabi, Sawal wa Jawab-e—Dawlati, 7.
- Giechbach, C. L, to Ellias, 5 Mar 89 (Mazar), For Dept., Secret-F., Pros., May 1889, Nos. 216-225, NM.
Fayz Mohammad, Sir4 455.
Ripon to Hartington, 22 May 81, PSI-I, 28, 887.
6' Fayz Mohammad, Sir@ al-Tauur%, 388.
Ibid., 383.
The Amir's Visit to India, 1885. PSI-I, 44, Enclm, No. 3, 2.
TO An-ir 'Abd al-Rahman in darbar, PD, 9 Dec. 82, PSLI, 35, 5. Singhal, Indü aM UghaniÄ 107.
204 C.HAVI'ER
Nluslirn India, in particular the tribal area (later offcially called the North4Vest Frontier of India) and, after the fall of Panjdeh, these elders asked him to declare a jihad against Russia. M' A number of elders from Central Asia had either taken asylum with the amir, or cngagcd in correspondence with him."l Others, from Central Asia, had promised him that they would rise against Russia from within, when he rose against it from without."2 Consequently, because of these assurances the amir believed that in the event of war with Russia the Turkmen would rise en masse against it.63 As late as 1889, he even cherished the idea of raising a rebellion against Russia and becoming a second Timur Lane.G4
In spite of all this, when the Russian forces arrived near ranjdeh, Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan instructed his army under the command of General Ghous al-Din Khan to desist from opposing them when they chose to attack it, and to retreat to Bala Murghab.65 He did so for the following reasons. First, he had been discouraged in his forward policy in the area by the British. In 1881, they had advised him not to accept the allegiance66 of the Tekke Turkmen of Merv, offered by their ruler, Makhdum Quli Khan.67 Perhaps for the same reason, the amir had earlier turned down the offer of submission by the khan of khwarazm.bö Second, the British government had ignored the amir's warnings for the delimitation of the undefined boundaries of Afghanistan with Russia,68 in spite of his repeated complaints to the effect that the British had abandoned their responsibilities with regard to Afghanistan, and about impending advances by Russia.70 At first, neither Britain nor India took the amir's warnings seriously. The viceroy, Lord Ripon, only reminded him that Afghan boundaries with Russia were so fixed in 1873, and that it would be unwise to reopen the question.71
- Fan Mohammad, Siro al-Taunnkh, 474.
- , 483.
- Mohammad Nabi, Sawal wa Jawab-e—Dawlati, 7.
- Giechbach, C. L, to Ellias, 5 Mar 89 (Mazar), For Dept., Secret-F., Pros., May 1889, Nos. 216-225, NM.
Fayz Mohammad, Sir4 455.
Ripon to Hartington, 22 May 81, PSI-I, 28, 887.
6' Fayz Mohammad, Sir@ al-Tauur%, 388.
Ibid., 383.
The Amir's Visit to India, 1885. PSI-I, 44, Enclm, No. 3, 2.
TO An-ir 'Abd al-Rahman in darbar, PD, 9 Dec. 82, PSLI, 35, 5. Singhal, Indü aM UghaniÄ 107.
country. HC believed that if the Afghans opposed the Russians, and Herat and Maymana fell to them, the country would disintegrate." In his view, 's. . . war between Russia and England on Afghan soil would ultimately destroy his country, and his supreme interest was to avoid such a catastrophe. "78 Actually, the amir was opposed to any power, whether Christian or Muslim, who may try to pass through Afghanistan to fight against another country." '9 That was why, at the height of the crisis, he showed unwillingness to allow even a small number of British engineering officers to fortify the defenses of Herat. 80 Only in the event of Russia advancing on Heart would he have been willing to accept British troops,81 and then together with them would fight with his arrny to the end.82
On March 30, 1885 Panjdeh fell to the Russians. The Afghan troops opposed them, even though they were overwhelmed by them, and even though they had been handicapped by the amir's instruction not to fight. b3 At the time Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan was on a state visit to India. When informed of the fall he advised his host "not to distress yourself (gham ma Not only did he not make any attempt to invoke the British commitment to Afghanistan which had been subjected to "unprovoked aggression", but he also
- The Amir's Visit to India, 5.
- , 10.
Fayz Mohammad, Siraj al-Tawarikh, 455.
Singhal, India and Afghanistan, 120.
'9 Amir 'Abd al-Rahman, Nasgpih Namcha (A book ofAbia), PD, 22 Dec. 88, PSI-I,
55, 1372. The amir has developed this theme in the above booklet. In his view "Any government which desires to pass through Afghanistan . . . is its enemy. If Persia desires to pass through Afghanistan to fight with the Chinese, she will be the enemy of Afghanistan. The same may be said of China if she wishes to proceed through Afghanistan against Persia. If the British ask Afghanistan to let them through it for war with Russia or Central Asia they will make Afghanistan their
country. HC believed that if the Afghans opposed the Russians, and Herat and Maymana fell to them, the country would disintegrate." In his view, 's. . . war between Russia and England on Afghan soil would ultimately destroy his country, and his supreme interest was to avoid such a catastrophe. "78 Actually, the amir was opposed to any power, whether Christian or Muslim, who may try to pass through Afghanistan to fight against another country." '9 That was why, at the height of the crisis, he showed unwillingness to allow even a small number of British engineering officers to fortify the defenses of Herat. 80 Only in the event of Russia advancing on Heart would he have been willing to accept British troops,81 and then together with them would fight with his arrny to the end.82
On March 30, 1885 Panjdeh fell to the Russians. The Afghan troops opposed them, even though they were overwhelmed by them, and even though they had been handicapped by the amir's instruction not to fight. b3 At the time Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan was on a state visit to India. When informed of the fall he advised his host "not to distress yourself (gham ma Not only did he not make any attempt to invoke the British commitment to Afghanistan which had been subjected to "unprovoked aggression", but he also
- The Amir's Visit to India, 5.
- , 10.
Fayz Mohammad, Siraj al-Tawarikh, 455.
Singhal, India and Afghanistan, 120.
'9 Amir 'Abd al-Rahman, Nasgpih Namcha (A book ofAbia), PD, 22 Dec. 88, PSI-I,
55, 1372. The amir has developed this theme in the above booklet. In his view "Any government which desires to pass through Afghanistan . . . is its enemy. If Persia desires to pass through Afghanistan to fight with the Chinese, she will be the enemy of Afghanistan. The same may be said of China if she wishes to proceed through Afghanistan against Persia. If the British ask Afghanistan to let them through it for war with Russia or Central Asia they will make Afghanistan their
country. HC believed that if the Afghans opposed the Russians, and Herat and Maymana fell to them, the country would disintegrate." In his view, 's. . . war between Russia and England on Afghan soil would ultimately destroy his country, and his supreme interest was to avoid such a catastrophe. "78 Actually, the amir was opposed to any power, whether Christian or Muslim, who may try to pass through Afghanistan to fight against another country." '9 That was why, at the height of the crisis, he showed unwillingness to allow even a small number of British engineering officers to fortify the defenses of Herat. 80 Only in the event of Russia advancing on Heart would he have been willing to accept British troops,81 and then together with them would fight with his arrny to the end.82
On March 30, 1885 Panjdeh fell to the Russians. The Afghan troops opposed them, even though they were overwhelmed by them, and even though they had been handicapped by the amir's instruction not to fight. b3 At the time Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan was on a state visit to India. When informed of the fall he advised his host "not to distress yourself (gham ma Not only did he not make any attempt to invoke the British commitment to Afghanistan which had been subjected to "unprovoked aggression", but he also
- The Amir's Visit to India, 5.
- , 10.
Fayz Mohammad, Siraj al-Tawarikh, 455.
Singhal, India and Afghanistan, 120.
'9 Amir 'Abd al-Rahman, Nasgpih Namcha (A book ofAbia), PD, 22 Dec. 88, PSI-I,
55, 1372. The amir has developed this theme in the above booklet. In his view "Any government which desires to pass through Afghanistan . . . is its enemy. If Persia desires to pass through Afghanistan to fight with the Chinese, she will be the enemy of Afghanistan. The same may be said of China if she wishes to proceed through Afghanistan against Persia. If the British ask Afghanistan to let them through it for war with Russia or Central Asia they will make Afghanistan their
country. HC believed that if the Afghans opposed the Russians, and Herat and Maymana fell to them, the country would disintegrate." In his view, 's. . . war between Russia and England on Afghan soil would ultimately destroy his country, and his supreme interest was to avoid such a catastrophe. "78 Actually, the amir was opposed to any power, whether Christian or Muslim, who may try to pass through Afghanistan to fight against another country." '9 That was why, at the height of the crisis, he showed unwillingness to allow even a small number of British engineering officers to fortify the defenses of Herat. 80 Only in the event of Russia advancing on Heart would he have been willing to accept British troops,81 and then together with them would fight with his arrny to the end.82
On March 30, 1885 Panjdeh fell to the Russians. The Afghan troops opposed them, even though they were overwhelmed by them, and even though they had been handicapped by the amir's instruction not to fight. b3 At the time Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan was on a state visit to India. When informed of the fall he advised his host "not to distress yourself (gham ma Not only did he not make any attempt to invoke the British commitment to Afghanistan which had been subjected to "unprovoked aggression", but he also
- The Amir's Visit to India, 5.
- , 10.
Fayz Mohammad, Siraj al-Tawarikh, 455.
Singhal, India and Afghanistan, 120.
'9 Amir 'Abd al-Rahman, Nasgpih Namcha (A book ofAbia), PD, 22 Dec. 88, PSI-I,
55, 1372. The amir has developed this theme in the above booklet. In his view "Any government which desires to pass through Afghanistan . . . is its enemy. If Persia desires to pass through Afghanistan to fight with the Chinese, she will be the enemy of Afghanistan. The same may be said of China if she wishes to proceed through Afghanistan against Persia. If the British ask Afghanistan to let them through it for war with Russia or Central Asia they will make Afghanistan their
country. HC believed that if the Afghans opposed the Russians, and Herat and Maymana fell to them, the country would disintegrate." In his view, 's. . . war between Russia and England on Afghan soil would ultimately destroy his country, and his supreme interest was to avoid such a catastrophe. "78 Actually, the amir was opposed to any power, whether Christian or Muslim, who may try to pass through Afghanistan to fight against another country." '9 That was why, at the height of the crisis, he showed unwillingness to allow even a small number of British engineering officers to fortify the defenses of Herat. 80 Only in the event of Russia advancing on Heart would he have been willing to accept British troops,81 and then together with them would fight with his arrny to the end.82
On March 30, 1885 Panjdeh fell to the Russians. The Afghan troops opposed them, even though they were overwhelmed by them, and even though they had been handicapped by the amir's instruction not to fight. b3 At the time Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan was on a state visit to India. When informed of the fall he advised his host "not to distress yourself (gham ma Not only did he not make any attempt to invoke the British commitment to Afghanistan which had been subjected to "unprovoked aggression", but he also
- The Amir's Visit to India, 5.
- , 10.
Fayz Mohammad, Siraj al-Tawarikh, 455.
Singhal, India and Afghanistan, 120.
'9 Amir 'Abd al-Rahman, Nasgpih Namcha (A book ofAbia), PD, 22 Dec. 88, PSI-I,
55, 1372. The amir has developed this theme in the above booklet. In his view "Any government which desires to pass through Afghanistan . . . is its enemy. If Persia desires to pass through Afghanistan to fight with the Chinese, she will be the enemy of Afghanistan. The same may be said of China if she wishes to proceed through Afghanistan against Persia. If the British ask Afghanistan to let them through it for war with Russia or Central Asia they will make Afghanistan their
country. HC believed that if the Afghans opposed the Russians, and Herat and Maymana fell to them, the country would disintegrate." In his view, 's. . . war between Russia and England on Afghan soil would ultimately destroy his country, and his supreme interest was to avoid such a catastrophe. "78 Actually, the amir was opposed to any power, whether Christian or Muslim, who may try to pass through Afghanistan to fight against another country." '9 That was why, at the height of the crisis, he showed unwillingness to allow even a small number of British engineering officers to fortify the defenses of Herat. 80 Only in the event of Russia advancing on Heart would he have been willing to accept British troops,81 and then together with them would fight with his arrny to the end.82
On March 30, 1885 Panjdeh fell to the Russians. The Afghan troops opposed them, even though they were overwhelmed by them, and even though they had been handicapped by the amir's instruction not to fight. b3 At the time Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan was on a state visit to India. When informed of the fall he advised his host "not to distress yourself (gham ma Not only did he not make any attempt to invoke the British commitment to Afghanistan which had been subjected to "unprovoked aggression", but he also
- The Amir's Visit to India, 5.
- , 10.
Fayz Mohammad, Siraj al-Tawarikh, 455.
Singhal, India and Afghanistan, 120.
'9 Amir 'Abd al-Rahman, Nasgpih Namcha (A book ofAbia), PD, 22 Dec. 88, PSI-I,
55, 1372. The amir has developed this theme in the above booklet. In his view "Any government which desires to pass through Afghanistan . . . is its enemy. If Persia desires to pass through Afghanistan to fight with the Chinese, she will be the enemy of Afghanistan. The same may be said of China if she wishes to proceed through Afghanistan against Persia. If the British ask Afghanistan to let them through it for war with Russia or Central Asia they will make Afghanistan their
country. HC believed that if the Afghans opposed the Russians, and Herat and Maymana fell to them, the country would disintegrate." In his view, 's. . . war between Russia and England on Afghan soil would ultimately destroy his country, and his supreme interest was to avoid such a catastrophe. "78 Actually, the amir was opposed to any power, whether Christian or Muslim, who may try to pass through Afghanistan to fight against another country." '9 That was why, at the height of the crisis, he showed unwillingness to allow even a small number of British engineering officers to fortify the defenses of Herat. 80 Only in the event of Russia advancing on Heart would he have been willing to accept British troops,81 and then together with them would fight with his arrny to the end.82
On March 30, 1885 Panjdeh fell to the Russians. The Afghan troops opposed them, even though they were overwhelmed by them, and even though they had been handicapped by the amir's instruction not to fight. b3 At the time Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan was on a state visit to India. When informed of the fall he advised his host "not to distress yourself (gham ma Not only did he not make any attempt to invoke the British commitment to Afghanistan which had been subjected to "unprovoked aggression", but he also
- The Amir's Visit to India, 5.
- , 10.
Fayz Mohammad, Siraj al-Tawarikh, 455.
Singhal, India and Afghanistan, 120.
'9 Amir 'Abd al-Rahman, Nasgpih Namcha (A book ofAbia), PD, 22 Dec. 88, PSI-I,
55, 1372. The amir has developed this theme in the above booklet. In his view "Any government which desires to pass through Afghanistan . . . is its enemy. If Persia desires to pass through Afghanistan to fight with the Chinese, she will be the enemy of Afghanistan. The same may be said of China if she wishes to proceed through Afghanistan against Persia. If the British ask Afghanistan to let them through it for war with Russia or Central Asia they will make Afghanistan their
country. HC believed that if the Afghans opposed the Russians, and Herat and Maymana fell to them, the country would disintegrate." In his view, 's. . . war between Russia and England on Afghan soil would ultimately destroy his country, and his supreme interest was to avoid such a catastrophe. "78 Actually, the amir was opposed to any power, whether Christian or Muslim, who may try to pass through Afghanistan to fight against another country." '9 That was why, at the height of the crisis, he showed unwillingness to allow even a small number of British engineering officers to fortify the defenses of Herat. 80 Only in the event of Russia advancing on Heart would he have been willing to accept British troops,81 and then together with them would fight with his arrny to the end.82
On March 30, 1885 Panjdeh fell to the Russians. The Afghan troops opposed them, even though they were overwhelmed by them, and even though they had been handicapped by the amir's instruction not to fight. b3 At the time Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan was on a state visit to India. When informed of the fall he advised his host "not to distress yourself (gham ma Not only did he not make any attempt to invoke the British commitment to Afghanistan which had been subjected to "unprovoked aggression", but he also
- The Amir's Visit to India, 5.
- , 10.
Fayz Mohammad, Siraj al-Tawarikh, 455.
Singhal, India and Afghanistan, 120.
'9 Amir 'Abd al-Rahman, Nasgpih Namcha (A book ofAbia), PD, 22 Dec. 88, PSI-I,
55, 1372. The amir has developed this theme in the above booklet. In his view "Any government which desires to pass through Afghanistan . . . is its enemy. If Persia desires to pass through Afghanistan to fight with the Chinese, she will be the enemy of Afghanistan. The same may be said of China if she wishes to proceed through Afghanistan against Persia. If the British ask Afghanistan to let them through it for war with Russia or Central Asia they will make Afghanistan their
Relations with the Ottoman Turkey
Afghanistan and the Ottoman Turkey had no commercial or other ties between them. However, as Sunni Muslim states separated by Shi'i Persia, they were traditionally on friendly terms with each other. Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan had great respect toward the person of the Caliph Sultan CAbd al-Hamid, and regarded him as thc protector of the Muslims, calling on ever-y Muslim to be loyal to him. lH The amir's respect for the caliph sultan, as the guardian of Mccca and Medina and the spiritual head of the Muslim world was, of course, religiously significant, but more importantly, his autocracy and the police state he had created appealed to him. Additionally, it was prestigious for Afghan rulers to be on good terms with the Ottoman sultans.
The amir tried to respect and even imitate the caliph sultan. In The Booklet on Islamic Affairs (Risala-e-lslamiya), he declared that since the caliph of Islam had decreed that his subjects should pay ten percent of their annual income over and beyond their usual tax, his subjects should also do the same. 19 Hence the exaltation of the sultan and of his innovation whether real or imaginary. In a firman, the amir called on his subjects, to "[ble at least as zealous in this cause as the subjects of the sultan of Turkey . . . who have offered their lives for the sultan."20 Further, in his treatises on jihad the amir expressed that he had been inspired by the example of the sultan, because, apart from the fact that they were both Muslims, both the Ottoman Empire and Afghanistan were threatened by the same power—Russia. Like the Ottoman sultans, the amir was likevsise on good terms with the British government and, conversely, on bad
Relations with the Ottoman Turkey
Afghanistan and the Ottoman Turkey had no commercial or other ties between them. However, as Sunni Muslim states separated by Shi'i Persia, they were traditionally on friendly terms with each other. Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan had great respect toward the person of the Caliph Sultan CAbd al-Hamid, and regarded him as thc protector of the Muslims, calling on ever-y Muslim to be loyal to him. lH The amir's respect for the caliph sultan, as the guardian of Mccca and Medina and the spiritual head of the Muslim world was, of course, religiously significant, but more importantly, his autocracy and the police state he had created appealed to him. Additionally, it was prestigious for Afghan rulers to be on good terms with the Ottoman sultans.
The amir tried to respect and even imitate the caliph sultan. In The Booklet on Islamic Affairs (Risala-e-lslamiya), he declared that since the caliph of Islam had decreed that his subjects should pay ten percent of their annual income over and beyond their usual tax, his subjects should also do the same. 19 Hence the exaltation of the sultan and of his innovation whether real or imaginary. In a firman, the amir called on his subjects, to "[ble at least as zealous in this cause as the subjects of the sultan of Turkey . . . who have offered their lives for the sultan."20 Further, in his treatises on jihad the amir expressed that he had been inspired by the example of the sultan, because, apart from the fact that they were both Muslims, both the Ottoman Empire and Afghanistan were threatened by the same power—Russia. Like the Ottoman sultans, the amir was likevsise on good terms with the British government and, conversely, on bad
Relations with the Ottoman Turkey
Afghanistan and the Ottoman Turkey had no commercial or other ties between them. However, as Sunni Muslim states separated by Shi'i Persia, they were traditionally on friendly terms with each other. Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan had great respect toward the person of the Caliph Sultan CAbd al-Hamid, and regarded him as thc protector of the Muslims, calling on ever-y Muslim to be loyal to him. lH The amir's respect for the caliph sultan, as the guardian of Mccca and Medina and the spiritual head of the Muslim world was, of course, religiously significant, but more importantly, his autocracy and the police state he had created appealed to him. Additionally, it was prestigious for Afghan rulers to be on good terms with the Ottoman sultans.
The amir tried to respect and even imitate the caliph sultan. In The Booklet on Islamic Affairs (Risala-e-lslamiya), he declared that since the caliph of Islam had decreed that his subjects should pay ten percent of their annual income over and beyond their usual tax, his subjects should also do the same. 19 Hence the exaltation of the sultan and of his innovation whether real or imaginary. In a firman, the amir called on his subjects, to "[ble at least as zealous in this cause as the subjects of the sultan of Turkey . . . who have offered their lives for the sultan."20 Further, in his treatises on jihad the amir expressed that he had been inspired by the example of the sultan, because, apart from the fact that they were both Muslims, both the Ottoman Empire and Afghanistan were threatened by the same power—Russia. Like the Ottoman sultans, the amir was likevsise on good terms with the British government and, conversely, on bad
Relations with the Ottoman Turkey
Afghanistan and the Ottoman Turkey had no commercial or other ties between them. However, as Sunni Muslim states separated by Shi'i Persia, they were traditionally on friendly terms with each other. Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan had great respect toward the person of the Caliph Sultan CAbd al-Hamid, and regarded him as thc protector of the Muslims, calling on ever-y Muslim to be loyal to him. lH The amir's respect for the caliph sultan, as the guardian of Mccca and Medina and the spiritual head of the Muslim world was, of course, religiously significant, but more importantly, his autocracy and the police state he had created appealed to him. Additionally, it was prestigious for Afghan rulers to be on good terms with the Ottoman sultans.
The amir tried to respect and even imitate the caliph sultan. In The Booklet on Islamic Affairs (Risala-e-lslamiya), he declared that since the caliph of Islam had decreed that his subjects should pay ten percent of their annual income over and beyond their usual tax, his subjects should also do the same. 19 Hence the exaltation of the sultan and of his innovation whether real or imaginary. In a firman, the amir called on his subjects, to "[ble at least as zealous in this cause as the subjects of the sultan of Turkey . . . who have offered their lives for the sultan."20 Further, in his treatises on jihad the amir expressed that he had been inspired by the example of the sultan, because, apart from the fact that they were both Muslims, both the Ottoman Empire and Afghanistan were threatened by the same power—Russia. Like the Ottoman sultans, the amir was likevsise on good terms with the British government and, conversely, on bad
place and has reduced the Citizens to a state Of poverty bordering on despair.2
Still, by thc standard of the region and the time this combination of political centralization and indiGdual liberty was an accomplishment, and that time was needed for the country to become a modern nation-state. However, in 1878 the British invasion destroyed the whole arrangement. Thereafter, disturbances bordering on anarchy shook the society, until Amir 'Abd al-Rahman stabilized it by instituting such a rigid system of administration which the people of Afghanistan had never experienced.
During the British occupation, Afghanistan did not have a legitimate government; in fact, it did not even have a functional government, except in the city of Kabul and its immediate environs. The reigning ruler, Amir Sher 'Ali Khan, had died and the British had deported his son and successor, Amir Mohammad Ya'qub Khan, to India. In this situation, the Sunni Muslims of the greater Kabul region, known in the British offcial reports sometimes as the Ghazni Party and at other times as the National Party, strove for a ruler of their own to lead them in their struggle against the 'infidel' invaders. This was what time-honored tradition and Islam demanded, but since there were several claimants to the throne they failed in their purpose.
The British occupiers likewise failed in their efforts to elevate a Mohammadzay sardar of their choice to the throne; it was out of the question for them to rule the country directly. They failed because the National Party upheld the cause of the family of the late Amir Sher CAIi Khan. For the same reasons, a few middle-of-the-road Mohammadzay sardars also failed in their efforts to attract a substantial following, while the non-Mohammadzay elders who had distinguished themselves in the campaigns against the British invaders could not aspire to the throne for the simple reason that they were not Mohammadzays. Only the house of Amir Dost Mohammad Khan was viewed as the ruling dynasty.
The failure of the British omcials dealing with Afghanistan to set up a functional government was due to the opposition of its people. Prompted by their loyalty to their country', their religion and their own Muslim rulers, they opposed the British and their various schemes.
Bellew, H. W., From Indus he Tyis, u»ndon, 1874, 148.
place and has reduced the Citizens to a state Of poverty bordering on despair.2
Still, by thc standard of the region and the time this combination of political centralization and indiGdual liberty was an accomplishment, and that time was needed for the country to become a modern nation-state. However, in 1878 the British invasion destroyed the whole arrangement. Thereafter, disturbances bordering on anarchy shook the society, until Amir 'Abd al-Rahman stabilized it by instituting such a rigid system of administration which the people of Afghanistan had never experienced.
During the British occupation, Afghanistan did not have a legitimate government; in fact, it did not even have a functional government, except in the city of Kabul and its immediate environs. The reigning ruler, Amir Sher 'Ali Khan, had died and the British had deported his son and successor, Amir Mohammad Ya'qub Khan, to India. In this situation, the Sunni Muslims of the greater Kabul region, known in the British offcial reports sometimes as the Ghazni Party and at other times as the National Party, strove for a ruler of their own to lead them in their struggle against the 'infidel' invaders. This was what time-honored tradition and Islam demanded, but since there were several claimants to the throne they failed in their purpose.
The British occupiers likewise failed in their efforts to elevate a Mohammadzay sardar of their choice to the throne; it was out of the question for them to rule the country directly. They failed because the National Party upheld the cause of the family of the late Amir Sher CAIi Khan. For the same reasons, a few middle-of-the-road Mohammadzay sardars also failed in their efforts to attract a substantial following, while the non-Mohammadzay elders who had distinguished themselves in the campaigns against the British invaders could not aspire to the throne for the simple reason that they were not Mohammadzays. Only the house of Amir Dost Mohammad Khan was viewed as the ruling dynasty.
The failure of the British omcials dealing with Afghanistan to set up a functional government was due to the opposition of its people. Prompted by their loyalty to their country', their religion and their own Muslim rulers, they opposed the British and their various schemes.
Bellew, H. W., From Indus he Tyis, u»ndon, 1874, 148.
Afghanistan was invaded, conquered, occupied and dismembered; her peoples suffered mass arrests, collective fines and mass executions; yet she successfully sun+.vd all these Ordeals and acquired a political personality."
It was because of this "political personality" that Lytton was forced to change his Gew. It was also the reason that he had previously failed to rule over Afghanistan first through Amir Mohammad Ya'qub Khan and afterward directly, even when the country was to have been divided among Russia and Persia and British India.
After the uprising and the almost continuous unsettled situation, Lytton decided to evacuate Afghanistan, even if a new ruler had not beer found for it. This was because the resistance was appreciated even by the people of Great Britain, who replaced the government Of Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli, which had devised the 'Forward Policy' by the liberal government of William Gladstone in the genera] election that was held later, in April 1880. The Afghan war had become an issue in the election, and Gladstone won in part because he had promised an "honorable withdrawal" from Afghanistan. Unti the evacuation, set for October 1880, the search for a native ruler for what Lytton and his lieutenants called "Northern Afghanistan", an entity from which the provinces of Kandahar and Herat were to be excluded, continued.
This was during the period when Sardar CAbd al-Rahman Khan had arrived in Badakhshan from Samarqand, where he had lived in exile for eleven years. Lytton, who had declared war on Afghanistan, apparently in an effort to forestall the danger to India posed by Russia, had become so desperate that he tried to negotiate terms with a claimant to the throne who was a kriown Russian pensioner. He did so because, like him, 'Abd al-Rahman Khan was also opposed to the rule of any member of the family of Amir Sher 'Ali Khan.
Lytton found it necessary to search for an able dynastic rival because the National Party had already rejected the pro-British candidates to the throne. It accepted the sardar mainly in order to get rid of the 'infidel' invaders. Although, it had preferred the house of Amir Sher 'Ali Khan, its opposition to the 'infidel' invaders was Stronger. Further, the war had dragged on for too long and the people of Afghanistan as well as Britain desired for someone to bring
6 Sirghal, Indu ad 178.
Afghanistan was invaded, conquered, occupied and dismembered; her peoples suffered mass arrests, collective fines and mass executions; yet she successfully sun+.vd all these Ordeals and acquired a political personality."
It was because of this "political personality" that Lytton was forced to change his Gew. It was also the reason that he had previously failed to rule over Afghanistan first through Amir Mohammad Ya'qub Khan and afterward directly, even when the country was to have been divided among Russia and Persia and British India.
After the uprising and the almost continuous unsettled situation, Lytton decided to evacuate Afghanistan, even if a new ruler had not beer found for it. This was because the resistance was appreciated even by the people of Great Britain, who replaced the government Of Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli, which had devised the 'Forward Policy' by the liberal government of William Gladstone in the genera] election that was held later, in April 1880. The Afghan war had become an issue in the election, and Gladstone won in part because he had promised an "honorable withdrawal" from Afghanistan. Unti the evacuation, set for October 1880, the search for a native ruler for what Lytton and his lieutenants called "Northern Afghanistan", an entity from which the provinces of Kandahar and Herat were to be excluded, continued.
This was during the period when Sardar CAbd al-Rahman Khan had arrived in Badakhshan from Samarqand, where he had lived in exile for eleven years. Lytton, who had declared war on Afghanistan, apparently in an effort to forestall the danger to India posed by Russia, had become so desperate that he tried to negotiate terms with a claimant to the throne who was a kriown Russian pensioner. He did so because, like him, 'Abd al-Rahman Khan was also opposed to the rule of any member of the family of Amir Sher 'Ali Khan.
Lytton found it necessary to search for an able dynastic rival because the National Party had already rejected the pro-British candidates to the throne. It accepted the sardar mainly in order to get rid of the 'infidel' invaders. Although, it had preferred the house of Amir Sher 'Ali Khan, its opposition to the 'infidel' invaders was Stronger. Further, the war had dragged on for too long and the people of Afghanistan as well as Britain desired for someone to bring
6 Sirghal, Indu ad 178.
Wiatever their real aim, the British twice invaded Afghanistan, apparently in an to forestall a Russian danger to India. Toward that end, in 1878, Lytton desised a strategy to secure a line of defense along the passes of the Hindu Kush range. This made it necessary for British India to occupy Afghanistan up to or beyond the Hindu Kush—a scheme that, whether by chance or design, coincided with the western limit of the Mughal Empire at its zenith. But the Sunni inhabitants of Afghanistan foiled the scheme, as their fathers had foiled a similar British scheme some forty years earlier. The policies that the British Govemment of India adopted toward Afghanistan following each war were different. After the first war, it pursued the policy of 'containment', known as 'masterly inactivity', the essence of which was non-interference in the affairs of the land beymd the Indus, that is, Afghanistan. This policy which had a strong proponent in the person of John Lawrence, the govemorgeneral of India, was successful because no major clashes occurred during the period in which the policy was in place.
After the Second Anglo-Afghan War, two concepts crystallized in Britiål offcial circles, regarding Afghanistan, though both had been conceived of much earlier: the concepts of the 'buffer zone', and the 'scientific frontier.' ThcE concepts, which were interrelated, appeared to be a product of Russo-phobia, and were applied for the ultimate purpose of making India secure from the threat of a Russian invasion. Whether the danger was real is uncertain, but the fear of it was, and it perrneated circles in India whenever the Conservative Party was in power in Britain. This fear affected Afghanistan, internally as well as externally. To make India secure, the British governmcnt attempted to nuke Afghanistan secure from Russian influence; at the same time it sought an additional alternative. The former made it necessary for the British government to arrange a buffer zone, and the latter to occupy strategic points in Afghanistan's eastem hinterland.
The idea of creating a buffer zone between the empires of Russia and Britain in Central Asia was an old one, which had årisen following the British withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1841. Three years later, in 1844, Britain and Russia had arrived at an understanding conceming what was known as the 'Asiatic Question.' They agreed that ". . . the Khanates of Central Asia should be left by Russia to form a neutral zone the two empires, so as to preserve them Wiatever their real aim, the British twice invaded Afghanistan, apparently in an to forestall a Russian danger to India. Toward that end, in 1878, Lytton desised a strategy to secure a line of defense along the passes of the Hindu Kush range. This made it necessary for British India to occupy Afghanistan up to or beyond the Hindu Kush—a scheme that, whether by chance or design, coincided with the western limit of the Mughal Empire at its zenith. But the Sunni inhabitants of Afghanistan foiled the scheme, as their fathers had foiled a similar British scheme some forty years earlier. The policies that the British Govemment of India adopted toward Afghanistan following each war were different. After the first war, it pursued the policy of 'containment', known as 'masterly inactivity', the essence of which was non-interference in the affairs of the land beymd the Indus, that is, Afghanistan. This policy which had a strong proponent in the person of John Lawrence, the govemorgeneral of India, was successful because no major clashes occurred during the period in which the policy was in place.
After the Second Anglo-Afghan War, two concepts crystallized in Britiål offcial circles, regarding Afghanistan, though both had been conceived of much earlier: the concepts of the 'buffer zone', and the 'scientific frontier.' ThcE concepts, which were interrelated, appeared to be a product of Russo-phobia, and were applied for the ultimate purpose of making India secure from the threat of a Russian invasion. Whether the danger was real is uncertain, but the fear of it was, and it perrneated circles in India whenever the Conservative Party was in power in Britain. This fear affected Afghanistan, internally as well as externally. To make India secure, the British governmcnt attempted to nuke Afghanistan secure from Russian influence; at the same time it sought an additional alternative. The former made it necessary for the British government to arrange a buffer zone, and the latter to occupy strategic points in Afghanistan's eastem hinterland.
The idea of creating a buffer zone between the empires of Russia and Britain in Central Asia was an old one, which had årisen following the British withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1841. Three years later, in 1844, Britain and Russia had arrived at an understanding conceming what was known as the 'Asiatic Question.' They agreed that ". . . the Khanates of Central Asia should be left by Russia to form a neutral zone the two empires, so as to preserve them
The demarcation of Afghanistan's northern boundary, and Russia's pledge that Afghanistan lay beyond its sphere of influence made it a buffer zone as far as Russia was concerned; however, this was not so Äith regard to Britain. Britain controlled Afghanistan's external relations, and, in addition, British India was coterminous with Afghanistan's eastern and southern populous hinterland, where even the drawing of an international boundary could not alter the status quo. However, because Russo-phobia was so pronounced in British offcial circles, the British Government of India decided to have an altemative line in Afghanistan's hinterland. This was after Britain had realized that it could not establish a forward line along the Hindu Kush range. British offcials referred to this alternatÄe line a 'Scientific Frontier.' In an age of European optimism when sheer assumptions were called 'laws', they called this assumption also 'scientific'. Probably, the real purpose of this 'Scientific Frontier' was the containment of India itself, lest its people rise up against the British, at the instigation of Russia.
Henry Rawlinson, the "high priest of the forward school"" had expressed this phobia when he stated that
India is a conquered country, where a certain amount of discontent must be ever smoldering which would be fanned into a chronic condagration by the contiguity of a rival European power. I
However, the demarcation of the Durand Line proved disastrous. Shortly after its introduction, in 1897, it led to the greatest uprising against the British west of the Indus, forcing them to employ more troops than they had in their two wars in Afghanistan. Subsequently, it •also resulted in numerous clashes between the British forces and the ever-defiant peasants of the frontier regions, until Britain left India in 1947. The problems emanating from the so-called 'scientific Frontier', as well as the Anglo-Afghan wars, have left a legacy of anti-British feelir& that is still alive to the present day.
The demarcation of the Durand Line made it imperative for the British to try to make Amir %Abd al-Rahman Khan neutral as far as the frontier tribes were concerned. In this regard the British followed a carrot-and-stick policy to compel the amir to keep out of afairs of the tribes, at the same time that it increased the amount
33-
East, London, 1874, 144.
The demarcation of Afghanistan's northern boundary, and Russia's pledge that Afghanistan lay beyond its sphere of influence made it a buffer zone as far as Russia was concerned; however, this was not so Äith regard to Britain. Britain controlled Afghanistan's external relations, and, in addition, British India was coterminous with Afghanistan's eastern and southern populous hinterland, where even the drawing of an international boundary could not alter the status quo. However, because Russo-phobia was so pronounced in British offcial circles, the British Government of India decided to have an altemative line in Afghanistan's hinterland. This was after Britain had realized that it could not establish a forward line along the Hindu Kush range. British offcials referred to this alternatÄe line a 'Scientific Frontier.' In an age of European optimism when sheer assumptions were called 'laws', they called this assumption also 'scientific'. Probably, the real purpose of this 'Scientific Frontier' was the containment of India itself, lest its people rise up against the British, at the instigation of Russia.
Henry Rawlinson, the "high priest of the forward school"" had expressed this phobia when he stated that
India is a conquered country, where a certain amount of discontent must be ever smoldering which would be fanned into a chronic condagration by the contiguity of a rival European power. I
However, the demarcation of the Durand Line proved disastrous. Shortly after its introduction, in 1897, it led to the greatest uprising against the British west of the Indus, forcing them to employ more troops than they had in their two wars in Afghanistan. Subsequently, it •also resulted in numerous clashes between the British forces and the ever-defiant peasants of the frontier regions, until Britain left India in 1947. The problems emanating from the so-called 'scientific Frontier', as well as the Anglo-Afghan wars, have left a legacy of anti-British feelir& that is still alive to the present day.
The demarcation of the Durand Line made it imperative for the British to try to make Amir %Abd al-Rahman Khan neutral as far as the frontier tribes were concerned. In this regard the British followed a carrot-and-stick policy to compel the amir to keep out of afairs of the tribes, at the same time that it increased the amount
33-
East, London, 1874, 144.
For to oppose tribe, from among its neighbors. This was, of course, standard practice, but the amir also would instruct his offcials to create dissension between tribes to weaken them in relation to the government—a tactic that none of his predecessors had adopted. Consequently, this divide-and-rule policy deepened old animosities that existed between tribes, and created new ones among the racyats, a practicc that weakened national solidarity. The amir also inculcated a fear of the infidels among the ratiyaLs, and set the jihad movement, or a kind of ideological war, in motion.
Scores of other new measures were also adopted to keep the ratiyats calm. For example, the amir placed restrictions on the movement of the ratpats, sometimes even from one to another. Additionally, efforts were even made to keep the rebellions secret, and anyone who talked about them as well as politics was punished. Once a man's lips were sewed closed because he had talked about politics. The subjects of peace, war and politics even though they affected the lives of people in a fundamental way, were considered to be the concern only of the amir and of those who were directly involved in them.
The suppression of the rebellions took a tremendous toll on the population. The number of casualties from the uprisings and the number of those who were killed by the police will never be known; the amir quotes a figure of over 100,000. In a population of approximately six million, even this number, if true, is propordonately very high, and many times higher than the combined number of Afghans and the British killed in the two Anglo-Afghan wars. In addition, those persons who were in a position to oppose the government were either killed or expelled, or they went into exile for safety.
For to oppose tribe, from among its neighbors. This was, of course, standard practice, but the amir also would instruct his offcials to create dissension between tribes to weaken them in relation to the government—a tactic that none of his predecessors had adopted. Consequently, this divide-and-rule policy deepened old animosities that existed between tribes, and created new ones among the racyats, a practicc that weakened national solidarity. The amir also inculcated a fear of the infidels among the ratiyaLs, and set the jihad movement, or a kind of ideological war, in motion.
Scores of other new measures were also adopted to keep the ratiyats calm. For example, the amir placed restrictions on the movement of the ratpats, sometimes even from one to another. Additionally, efforts were even made to keep the rebellions secret, and anyone who talked about them as well as politics was punished. Once a man's lips were sewed closed because he had talked about politics. The subjects of peace, war and politics even though they affected the lives of people in a fundamental way, were considered to be the concern only of the amir and of those who were directly involved in them.
The suppression of the rebellions took a tremendous toll on the population. The number of casualties from the uprisings and the number of those who were killed by the police will never be known; the amir quotes a figure of over 100,000. In a population of approximately six million, even this number, if true, is propordonately very high, and many times higher than the combined number of Afghans and the British killed in the two Anglo-Afghan wars. In addition, those persons who were in a position to oppose the government were either killed or expelled, or they went into exile for safety.
226
For to oppose tribe, from among its neighbors. This was, of course, standard practice, but the amir also would instruct his offcials to create dissension between tribes to weaken them in relation to the government—a tactic that none of his predecessors had adopted. Consequently, this divide-and-rule policy deepened old animosities that existed between tribes, and created new ones among the racyats, a practicc that weakened national solidarity. The amir also inculcated a fear of the infidels among the ratiyaLs, and set the jihad movement, or a kind of ideological war, in motion.
Scores of other new measures were also adopted to keep the ratiyats calm. For example, the amir placed restrictions on the movement of the ratpats, sometimes even from one to another. Additionally, efforts were even made to keep the rebellions secret, and anyone who talked about them as well as politics was punished. Once a man's lips were sewed closed because he had talked about politics. The subjects of peace, war and politics even though they affected the lives of people in a fundamental way, were considered to be the concern only of the amir and of those who were directly involved in them.
The suppression of the rebellions took a tremendous toll on the population. The number of casualties from the uprisings and the number of those who were killed by the police will never be known; the amir quotes a figure of over 100,000. In a population of approximately six million, even this number, if true, is propordonately very high, and many times higher than the combined number of Afghans and the British killed in the two Anglo-Afghan wars. In addition, those persons who were in a position to oppose the government were either killed or expelled, or they went into exile for safety.
226
For to oppose tribe, from among its neighbors. This was, of course, standard practice, but the amir also would instruct his offcials to create dissension between tribes to weaken them in relation to the government—a tactic that none of his predecessors had adopted. Consequently, this divide-and-rule policy deepened old animosities that existed between tribes, and created new ones among the racyats, a practicc that weakened national solidarity. The amir also inculcated a fear of the infidels among the ratiyaLs, and set the jihad movement, or a kind of ideological war, in motion.
Scores of other new measures were also adopted to keep the ratiyats calm. For example, the amir placed restrictions on the movement of the ratpats, sometimes even from one to another. Additionally, efforts were even made to keep the rebellions secret, and anyone who talked about them as well as politics was punished. Once a man's lips were sewed closed because he had talked about politics. The subjects of peace, war and politics even though they affected the lives of people in a fundamental way, were considered to be the concern only of the amir and of those who were directly involved in them.
The suppression of the rebellions took a tremendous toll on the population. The number of casualties from the uprisings and the number of those who were killed by the police will never be known; the amir quotes a figure of over 100,000. In a population of approximately six million, even this number, if true, is propordonately very high, and many times higher than the combined number of Afghans and the British killed in the two Anglo-Afghan wars. In addition, those persons who were in a position to oppose the government were either killed or expelled, or they went into exile for safety.
226
For to oppose tribe, from among its neighbors. This was, of course, standard practice, but the amir also would instruct his offcials to create dissension between tribes to weaken them in relation to the government—a tactic that none of his predecessors had adopted. Consequently, this divide-and-rule policy deepened old animosities that existed between tribes, and created new ones among the racyats, a practicc that weakened national solidarity. The amir also inculcated a fear of the infidels among the ratiyaLs, and set the jihad movement, or a kind of ideological war, in motion.
Scores of other new measures were also adopted to keep the ratiyats calm. For example, the amir placed restrictions on the movement of the ratpats, sometimes even from one to another. Additionally, efforts were even made to keep the rebellions secret, and anyone who talked about them as well as politics was punished. Once a man's lips were sewed closed because he had talked about politics. The subjects of peace, war and politics even though they affected the lives of people in a fundamental way, were considered to be the concern only of the amir and of those who were directly involved in them.
The suppression of the rebellions took a tremendous toll on the population. The number of casualties from the uprisings and the number of those who were killed by the police will never be known; the amir quotes a figure of over 100,000. In a population of approximately six million, even this number, if true, is propordonately very high, and many times higher than the combined number of Afghans and the British killed in the two Anglo-Afghan wars. In addition, those persons who were in a position to oppose the government were either killed or expelled, or they went into exile for safety.
226
For to oppose tribe, from among its neighbors. This was, of course, standard practice, but the amir also would instruct his offcials to create dissension between tribes to weaken them in relation to the government—a tactic that none of his predecessors had adopted. Consequently, this divide-and-rule policy deepened old animosities that existed between tribes, and created new ones among the racyats, a practicc that weakened national solidarity. The amir also inculcated a fear of the infidels among the ratiyaLs, and set the jihad movement, or a kind of ideological war, in motion.
Scores of other new measures were also adopted to keep the ratiyats calm. For example, the amir placed restrictions on the movement of the ratpats, sometimes even from one to another. Additionally, efforts were even made to keep the rebellions secret, and anyone who talked about them as well as politics was punished. Once a man's lips were sewed closed because he had talked about politics. The subjects of peace, war and politics even though they affected the lives of people in a fundamental way, were considered to be the concern only of the amir and of those who were directly involved in them.
The suppression of the rebellions took a tremendous toll on the population. The number of casualties from the uprisings and the number of those who were killed by the police will never be known; the amir quotes a figure of over 100,000. In a population of approximately six million, even this number, if true, is propordonately very high, and many times higher than the combined number of Afghans and the British killed in the two Anglo-Afghan wars. In addition, those persons who were in a position to oppose the government were either killed or expelled, or they went into exile for safety.
226
For to oppose tribe, from among its neighbors. This was, of course, standard practice, but the amir also would instruct his offcials to create dissension between tribes to weaken them in relation to the government—a tactic that none of his predecessors had adopted. Consequently, this divide-and-rule policy deepened old animosities that existed between tribes, and created new ones among the racyats, a practicc that weakened national solidarity. The amir also inculcated a fear of the infidels among the ratiyaLs, and set the jihad movement, or a kind of ideological war, in motion.
Scores of other new measures were also adopted to keep the ratiyats calm. For example, the amir placed restrictions on the movement of the ratpats, sometimes even from one to another. Additionally, efforts were even made to keep the rebellions secret, and anyone who talked about them as well as politics was punished. Once a man's lips were sewed closed because he had talked about politics. The subjects of peace, war and politics even though they affected the lives of people in a fundamental way, were considered to be the concern only of the amir and of those who were directly involved in them.
The suppression of the rebellions took a tremendous toll on the population. The number of casualties from the uprisings and the number of those who were killed by the police will never be known; the amir quotes a figure of over 100,000. In a population of approximately six million, even this number, if true, is propordonately very high, and many times higher than the combined number of Afghans and the British killed in the two Anglo-Afghan wars. In addition, those persons who were in a position to oppose the government were either killed or expelled, or they went into exile for safety.
226
For to oppose tribe, from among its neighbors. This was, of course, standard practice, but the amir also would instruct his offcials to create dissension between tribes to weaken them in relation to the government—a tactic that none of his predecessors had adopted. Consequently, this divide-and-rule policy deepened old animosities that existed between tribes, and created new ones among the racyats, a practicc that weakened national solidarity. The amir also inculcated a fear of the infidels among the ratiyaLs, and set the jihad movement, or a kind of ideological war, in motion.
Scores of other new measures were also adopted to keep the ratiyats calm. For example, the amir placed restrictions on the movement of the ratpats, sometimes even from one to another. Additionally, efforts were even made to keep the rebellions secret, and anyone who talked about them as well as politics was punished. Once a man's lips were sewed closed because he had talked about politics. The subjects of peace, war and politics even though they affected the lives of people in a fundamental way, were considered to be the concern only of the amir and of those who were directly involved in them.
The suppression of the rebellions took a tremendous toll on the population. The number of casualties from the uprisings and the number of those who were killed by the police will never be known; the amir quotes a figure of over 100,000. In a population of approximately six million, even this number, if true, is propordonately very high, and many times higher than the combined number of Afghans and the British killed in the two Anglo-Afghan wars. In addition, those persons who were in a position to oppose the government were either killed or expelled, or they went into exile for safety.
226
For to oppose tribe, from among its neighbors. This was, of course, standard practice, but the amir also would instruct his offcials to create dissension between tribes to weaken them in relation to the government—a tactic that none of his predecessors had adopted. Consequently, this divide-and-rule policy deepened old animosities that existed between tribes, and created new ones among the racyats, a practicc that weakened national solidarity. The amir also inculcated a fear of the infidels among the ratiyaLs, and set the jihad movement, or a kind of ideological war, in motion.
Scores of other new measures were also adopted to keep the ratiyats calm. For example, the amir placed restrictions on the movement of the ratpats, sometimes even from one to another. Additionally, efforts were even made to keep the rebellions secret, and anyone who talked about them as well as politics was punished. Once a man's lips were sewed closed because he had talked about politics. The subjects of peace, war and politics even though they affected the lives of people in a fundamental way, were considered to be the concern only of the amir and of those who were directly involved in them.
The suppression of the rebellions took a tremendous toll on the population. The number of casualties from the uprisings and the number of those who were killed by the police will never be known; the amir quotes a figure of over 100,000. In a population of approximately six million, even this number, if true, is propordonately very high, and many times higher than the combined number of Afghans and the British killed in the two Anglo-Afghan wars. In addition, those persons who were in a position to oppose the government were either killed or expelled, or they went into exile for safety.
226
For to oppose tribe, from among its neighbors. This was, of course, standard practice, but the amir also would instruct his offcials to create dissension between tribes to weaken them in relation to the government—a tactic that none of his predecessors had adopted. Consequently, this divide-and-rule policy deepened old animosities that existed between tribes, and created new ones among the racyats, a practicc that weakened national solidarity. The amir also inculcated a fear of the infidels among the ratiyaLs, and set the jihad movement, or a kind of ideological war, in motion.
Scores of other new measures were also adopted to keep the ratiyats calm. For example, the amir placed restrictions on the movement of the ratpats, sometimes even from one to another. Additionally, efforts were even made to keep the rebellions secret, and anyone who talked about them as well as politics was punished. Once a man's lips were sewed closed because he had talked about politics. The subjects of peace, war and politics even though they affected the lives of people in a fundamental way, were considered to be the concern only of the amir and of those who were directly involved in them.
The suppression of the rebellions took a tremendous toll on the population. The number of casualties from the uprisings and the number of those who were killed by the police will never be known; the amir quotes a figure of over 100,000. In a population of approximately six million, even this number, if true, is propordonately very high, and many times higher than the combined number of Afghans and the British killed in the two Anglo-Afghan wars. In addition, those persons who were in a position to oppose the government were either killed or expelled, or they went into exile for safety.
Amir Afghanistan and its dependencies the towns Kandahar and Jalalabad with all thc territory now in possession of the British armies, excepting the districts of Kurram, Pishin and Sibi. His Highness the Amir of Afghanistan and is dependencies agrees on his part that thc districts of Kurram and Pishin and Sibi, according to the limits defined in the schcdule annexed. shall remain under the protection and administrative control of the British Government: that is to say, the aforesaid districts shall be treated as assigned districts, and shall not be considered as permanently severed from the limits of the Afghan kingdom. The revenue of these districts, after deducting the charges of civil administration, shall be paid to His Highness the Amir. Thc British Government will retain in its own hands the control of the Khyber and Michni Passes, which lie between the Peshawar and Jalalabad districts and of all relations with the indepen&nt tribes of the territory directly connected with these passes.
- For the further support of His Highness the Amir in the recovery and maintenance of his legitimate authority, and in consideration of the effcient fulfillment ili their entirety of the engagements stipulated by the foregoing Articles, the British Government agrees to pay to His Highness the Amir and to his successors an annual subsidy of six lakhs of Rupees.
26 May 1879 — 4 Jamade-Ussani 1296
- The Durand Ageement or the Kabul Convention of 1893
Whereas certain questions have arisen regarding the frontier of Afghanistan on the side of India and whereas both His Highness the Amir and the Government of India are desirous of settling these questions by friendly understanding, and of fixing the limit of their respective sphere of influence, so that for the future there may be no difference of opinion on the subject between the dlied Govemments, it is hereby agreed as follows:
- The eastern and southem frontier of His Highness's domains, from Wakhan to the Persian border, shall follow the line shown on the map attached to this agreement.
- The Government of India will at no time exercise interference in the territories lying beyond this line on the side of Afghanistan, 236
Amir of Afghanistan and its dependencies the towns of Kandahar and Jalalabad with all thc territory now in possession of the British armies, excepting the districts of Kurram, Pishin and Sibi. His Highness the Amir of Afghanistan and is dependencies agrees on his part that thc districts of Kurram and Pishin and Sibi, according to the limits defined in the schcdule annexed. shall remain under the protection and administrative control of the British Government: that is to say, the aforesaid districts shall be treated as assigned districts, and shall not be considered as permanently severed from the limits of the Afghan kingdom. The revenue of these districts, after deducting the charges of civil administration, shall be paid to His Highness the Amir. Thc British Government will retain in its own hands the control of the Khyber and Michni Passes, which lie between the Peshawar and Jalalabad districts and of all relations with the indepen&nt tribes of the territory directly connected with these passes.
- For the further support of His Highness the Amir in the recovery and maintenance of his legitimate authority, and in consideration of the effcient fulfillment ili their entirety of the engagements stipulated by the foregoing Articles, the British Government agrees to pay to His Highness the Amir and to his successors an annual subsidy of six lakhs of Rupees.
26 May 1879 — 4 Jamade-Ussani 1296
- The Durand Ageement or the Kabul Convention of 1893
Whereas certain questions have arisen regarding the frontier of Afghanistan on the side of India and whereas both His Highness the Amir and the Government of India are desirous of settling these questions by friendly understanding, and of fixing the limit of their respective sphere of influence, so that for the future there may be no difference of opinion on the subject between the dlied Govemments, it is hereby agreed as follows:
- The eastern and southem frontier of His Highness's domains, from Wakhan to the Persian border, shall follow the line shown on the map attached to this agreement.
- The Government of India will at no time exercise interference in the territories lying beyond this line on the side of Afghanistan, future as far as possible all causes of doubt and misunderstanding bctMecn the two Gou•rnmcnts.
- Being fully satisfied of His Highness's goodwill to the British Gowrnment, and Mishing to see Afghanistan strong, the Government of India 'Will raise no objection to thc purchase and import by His Highness of munitions of war, and they will themselves grant him some help in this respect. Further, in order to mark their sense of the friendly spirit in which His Highness the Amir has entered into these negotiations, the government of India undertake to increase by the sum of six lakhs of rupees a year the subsidy of twelve lakhs now granted to His Highness.
Kabul, November 12, 1893
- The Covenants of Unanimi5, 1895
Following is an English translation only of the covenant, which the Mohammadzay sardars gave to Amir %Abd al-Rahman Khan after Kafiristan was conquered in 1896. All other groups of the people throughout Afghanistan followed their example—the Hindus, artisans, businessmen, nomads, soldiers, and civil and military offcials. Some of these covenants were identical with the one that the Mohammadzay sardars gave. Others were slightly different, but all were signed by the mullas, tribal elders, countersigned and offcially sealed by the muftis and qazis. All stated that the covenants were issued with the "free" consent of the people. On 26 Asad 1275 H.Sh. (7 Rabi' al-Aww•al 1314 H.Q., 17 August, 1896) a grand total of
194 covenants were presented to the amir, who named that day Jashn-e-Mutafiqqiya (The Festival of Unanimity). In the covenants the people undertook in strong words to confer the title of Zia alMillat-e-wa al-Din (The Light of the Nation and Religion) on the amir. They also pledged themselves to defend the boundaries of Afghanistan, now fixed for the first time. They likewise undertook to obey and observe the religious and secular arrangements that the amir had made, to remain faithful to him and his descendants, and to accept the hasht nafari (one out of eight) system of conscription.
2.39
The Corenant
"'l*he purpose of this covenant is this. Since the Almighty God, out of extreme graciousness. has chosen a leader of the religion and the state of Afghanistan from among the Alohammadzay tribe, and madc us and the other tribes of Afghanistan subjects of this august existence, and since by following is meant obedience, and obedience makes incumbent upon the followers to follow the sovereign, and since we, the above-mentioned tribe, because of close relationship, are the first in obedience and following, so obedience in the sense of following became our right. The other tribes of Afghanistan should follow our lead. "
"Therefore, we state that, since the title of imam is obligatory on behalf of the Almighty God and, since our King who, out of religiosity expelled from the country the tribes opposing the religion, has certainly and evidently not failed to fulfil the five religiously and worldly commandments, their safeguarding became our right.'
"And again, since he has improved the disorganized state of the land, its consolidation has become obligatory on us. "
"Again, since he defined the boundaries with our close neighbors and with those far away, their safeguarding became our duty"
"Again, since he reconstructed the fallen and ruined mosques and pulpits, and fulfilled religious commandments by appointing the president, the muhtasibs and prayer leaders, their preservation became our duty."
"Again, since he manifested honesty in state affairs we arc duty bound not to commit treachery to its integrity. Now that our sovereign has fully fulfilled his responsibility, it is incumbent upon us followers to act accordingly so that it should not happen that while our imarn has fully fulfilled his duties, we stand shameful when we present ourselves before the real King, in accordance with tyc real promise of the day, when all the people go forward with their imam as has been mentioned in the Quran."
"Therefore we, the Mohammadzay tribe who, in line with the general principle, considered ourselves the number one followers, observed and understood and held God as guarantor and His Prophet, (may peace be upon him), as witness, swore on the Quran, which has been sent by God, not to give away his acquired land to anyone so long as we have the power and the strength."
"Secondly, not to disrupt the arrangements he has made.
"I hirdly. to safeguard the boundaries. which arc thc frontline so long as Me have the soul and lifc in our body."
"Fourthly. not to dispute the right of the religion and to strengthen our religious arrangements of God and thc Prophct."
"Fifthlv. to recognize his sons as the inheritors to his crmvn and kingdom, not to dexiatc from his will, to keep on obeying whether he is alive or dead, be on guards to dangers all the time, not to be ignorant of our responsibilities to our selves, to our religion and honor and of the other Muslims, and it is for his sons, neither for us nor for our descendants to choose the inheritors, so that we may have acted in accord with the heavenly dispensation and arc not shamed in this world and the next."
"And also whoever puts forward claims for amirate, during the lifetime or after the death of our king, is either the untrue son of his father, or is not from our religion, or has intended a new destruction. And also since we would like to see his name remembered forever in Islam we add the title of Zia al-Millat wa al-Din after his blessed name. 1313. '
Signed and sealed by the descendants of the Amir-e-Kabir,
Sardar Amir Mohammad Khan and Wazir Fatih Khan
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
For a detailed maluation of the unpublished and publishcd documents and implir. tant secondary sources see kakar. and Sonet_v m Afghanistan, 243
Manuscripts
Isfahani, A M . al-Taunnkh [The Histories of Aman [Allah]], 3, •rhc original of this velumc as •.sell as of thc six other volumes in the senes arc in the private collection Of Mr. and Mrs , lionnidis in Cambridge, Massachusetts. U.S.A. A cops, of volume 5 can be found in The National Archive in Kabul.
Tarzi, Mahmud, Remznucewes. A Short History ofan Era, 1869—1881. Translated from the original Persian and edited into English by Wahid Tarzi. A-copy this is available "8th this author.
'npubluhed Dcument_s
Unpublished records ue pemmnt ' of A*nistan
Filcs relating to th reign Of Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan. Afghan Archi'al Records have not yet been made publiG, but I was given access to them. What I actually found was so little, whereas the records pertaining his reign were very much.
Unpublished records the Bnhsh government of India
- In London in India Offce Libran and Records now In the British Libran , Political and secret letters and enclosures received from India 60m 25 to 141 covering the period from 1878 to 1902.
- In New Delhi in the National Archives of India Foreign and Political Department.
The above twö entries are the most comprehensive archival sources there are in any language on nineteenth century Afghanistan.
håhs&d records and oficial publications hblicaåonu of the government Oj afghanistan
Kalimal-e-Amir al-mad fee Tawhib jihad [The Words Of the Amir Of the Land for the Encouragement of Jihad], Kabul, 1304/ 1386.
[The Islamic Management Of Turkey], Kabul, 1 31 1 / 1894. kah al-Bevan fee Nasihat al-Afghan [A Word of Ad•åce for the Benefits of UghansJ, 1897; PSI-I, 96, No. 1043, No. 376, India Offce library, London. Namcha (A Book of Advice), Kabul, 1886.
Saual wa jauub-e-Dau•laa (The Amir's Inteniew with the Viceroy], Kahil, H.O. 1302/1885.
Püh[rannns n] go.•emmev India and Britain
Papers relating to Afghanistan. Narrative of Events in Afghanistan. 1878—1880.
Biographical Accounts or Chiefs. Sardars and others of Afghanistan. Calcutta. 1888. l)ispatches from thc government of India containing a Statement of the Cases •rried before the Militan CommisGon, London, 1880.
.\lilitar-,• Report on Afghanistan, New Delhi, 1925.
Gazetteer of Afghanistan. Kabul pt. 4, Calcutta, 1910.
Gazetteer of Afgllanistan, Kabul pt. 4, Calcutta. 1895.
Imperial Gazetteer of India. ProGncial Series. North West Frontier Prcnincc. Calcutta. 1896.
Warner, 1„., Kafiristan, Calcutta. 1896.
Wlwrle•r. J. T. Memorandum on Afghan Turkistan, Calcutta, 1896
Memoranda-Parliamcntary Questions, Chitral, Kaliristan, etc., London, 1896.
Adamcc, L, .•Vghanistan, 1900 -1923. A Diplamatw History, Uniw•rsity Of California Press, Berkeley, 1967.
Alder, British Northern Study m Impaial Polity, 1895—95. London, 1963.
Allworth, E. , Cenlya{ Asia, Columbia University press, New York, 1967.
Arrian. 77te Campaigns Transl. by Aubrey de Selincourt, Penguin Books,
Audrcv, C., Long Years of hilt, Central .4sian Refits in .4fzaniftan and Pakistan, Unixersity Press of America, Lanham, New York, 1994.
Baburnama, of Babur, Bina and Emperor, Translated, edited and annotated by Thackston, M., The Modern Library, New York, 2002.
Balfour, B, The Hi-si0D' of I_md Izvtton's Indian Administration, 1876—1880, 1899. Bamyani, B. , Aigah-e-ba Tarikh wa Kultur-e-BaJhmdagan-e-Hmyan (Persian), [A Glance at the History and Culture of the Inhabitants of Bamyan], Privately published, Peshawar, 2001.
BarfieH, J. T. , Central Asian Arabs of Afghanistan, Unisersity of Texas press at Austin, 1981.
Bellew, W. H. , The Rapes Q/ Afghanistan, London, 1880.
, From the Indus to the Tigris, London, 1874.
7bumal of a Political -Iftssion io Afghanistan in 1857, London, 1857.
Burncs, A. , Cabool, First published in 1842, Reprint, 1973, Graz, Austria.
Canfield, R. , Faction and Conversion in a Plural .%ciety, Religious .41@nmenis in the Hindu Kush Ann Arbor, 1973.
Chomsky, N The Problem of Knowledge and Freedom, Vintage Books, 197 1 .
Curzon, Lord, Tales of Travels, London, 1923.
Davies, C. C. , The Problem of the North Frontier, Cambridge, 1932.
Dcbcts, G. F., P&ysical Anthropology of Afghanistan, Transl. by Proston, E„ ed. held, H.. Russian Translation Series of the Peabody Museum of Archeology and Ethnology, Harvard Cnivcrsity press, vol. v, No. l .
Dounes, E., Kgfris/an, London, 1873.
Duff. G. , 77te Ughan policy the Beacon$eld Administration, London, 1880.
Durranay, Sultan M. , Tann-e-sultani, (Persian) [The History of Sultan]] Bombay, 1298 H.Q.
Edwards, D, Heroes of thr Age, California University Press, Berkeley, London, 1996. Effendi, Sirdar M. A. K., Royals and Royal Mendicant, A Tragedy of the Ughan History, 1791-1947, Eon press, Lahore, [1948?].
242
Püh[rannns n] go.•emmev India and Britain
Papers relating to Afghanistan. Narrative of Events in Afghanistan. 1878—1880.
Biographical Accounts or Chiefs. Sardars and others of Afghanistan. Calcutta. 1888. l)ispatches from thc government of India containing a Statement of the Cases •rried before the Militan CommisGon, London, 1880.
.\lilitar-,• Report on Afghanistan, New Delhi, 1925.
Gazetteer of Afghanistan. Kabul pt. 4, Calcutta, 1910.
Gazetteer of Afgllanistan, Kabul pt. 4, Calcutta. 1895.
Imperial Gazetteer of India. ProGncial Series. North West Frontier Prcnincc. Calcutta. 1896.
Warner, 1„., Kafiristan, Calcutta. 1896.
Wlwrle•r. J. T. Memorandum on Afghan Turkistan, Calcutta, 1896
Memoranda-Parliamcntary Questions, Chitral, Kaliristan, etc., London, 1896.
Adamcc, L, .•Vghanistan, 1900 -1923. A Diplamatw History, Uniw•rsity Of California Press, Berkeley, 1967.
Alder, British Northern Study m Impaial Polity, 1895—95. London, 1963.
Allworth, E. , Cenlya{ Asia, Columbia University press, New York, 1967.
Arrian. 77te Campaigns Transl. by Aubrey de Selincourt, Penguin Books,
Audrcv, C., Long Years of hilt, Central .4sian Refits in .4fzaniftan and Pakistan, Unixersity Press of America, Lanham, New York, 1994.
Baburnama, of Babur, Bina and Emperor, Translated, edited and annotated by Thackston, M., The Modern Library, New York, 2002.
Balfour, B, The Hi-si0D' of I_md Izvtton's Indian Administration, 1876—1880, 1899. Bamyani, B. , Aigah-e-ba Tarikh wa Kultur-e-BaJhmdagan-e-Hmyan (Persian), [A Glance at the History and Culture of the Inhabitants of Bamyan], Privately published, Peshawar, 2001.
BarfieH, J. T. , Central Asian Arabs of Afghanistan, Unisersity of Texas press at Austin, 1981.
Bellew, W. H. , The Rapes Q/ Afghanistan, London, 1880.
, From the Indus to the Tigris, London, 1874.
7bumal of a Political -Iftssion io Afghanistan in 1857, London, 1857.
Burncs, A. , Cabool, First published in 1842, Reprint, 1973, Graz, Austria.
Canfield, R. , Faction and Conversion in a Plural .%ciety, Religious .41@nmenis in the Hindu Kush Ann Arbor, 1973.
Chomsky, N The Problem of Knowledge and Freedom, Vintage Books, 197 1 .
Curzon, Lord, Tales of Travels, London, 1923.
Davies, C. C. , The Problem of the North Frontier, Cambridge, 1932.
Dcbcts, G. F., P&ysical Anthropology of Afghanistan, Transl. by Proston, E„ ed. held, H.. Russian Translation Series of the Peabody Museum of Archeology and Ethnology, Harvard Cnivcrsity press, vol. v, No. l .
Dounes, E., Kgfris/an, London, 1873.
Duff. G. , 77te Ughan policy the Beacon$eld Administration, London, 1880.
Durranay, Sultan M. , Tann-e-sultani, (Persian) [The History of Sultan]] Bombay, 1298 H.Q.
Edwards, D, Heroes of thr Age, California University Press, Berkeley, London, 1996. Effendi, Sirdar M. A. K., Royals and Royal Mendicant, A Tragedy of the Ughan History, 1791-1947, Eon press, Lahore, [1948?].
1 1957. Reprint
l'ul)lication C:elltcr. Peshawar. 1998.
The , Vataoua/ Histop the Hazara€ •l•lic Ismafiliyan press Institute. Iran,
1993.
Khattak. A.. Tarikh-eMorassa' (Pashto'. IA General Histor) of the Pashtuns]. cd. Mohmand. Dost D. Book Agency. Peshawar, year of print unknoqn. Kohzad. A. A., Afghanistan Dar Shahnama [Persian), [Afghanistan in the Shahnama], Baihaqi Publication, Kabul, 1353/1976.
Gharghasht _va Gharshasib Persian). [Gharghast or GharshasibJ, First published in 1976. Reprint by Daunish, Peshawar, 1999.
Krausse, A. , Russian m Asia, lu»ndon, 1899.
Kushkaki, B., Rahmomq)-e Qgtaghan tra Badakhshan (Persian), [A Guide to Qataghan and Badakhshan], Kabul, 1302/1924.
McChcsncy, R. D, l%zfin Central Asia, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1991.
NIacGregor, C. M.. Central Asia. ft. 11, .4 Centribufion towards the Better Knowledge of the Topography, Ethnology, Resources and History of Afghanistan, Calcutta, 1871 hr in Ughanulan. 1'879—80. The Pérsonal Diary of Major General sir Charles Metcalf MacGregor with an Introduction by Trousdale, W., Wayne State University Prcss, Detroit, 1985.
Mahomed. S. , The Life of -4bdur Rahman, Amir of Ughaniftan, 2 vols., John Murray, LJndon, 1900.
Mason, Varyative of Ihrious Journo's in Balochistan, Afghanistan, and the Papiab; including .4 Residence m Those Countries From 1826—1838, 3 First Published in 1842, Reprint, Oxford Cniu•rsity Press, 1 974
Xlanvat, F. R., ed. Ughandstan and the Frontier, Peshawar, 1993.
Mcrk. W. R. H. , The .\fnhmands, first published in 1898, Reprint by Vanguard Books Ltd., Lhore, 1984.
Mottahedeh, R. , Mantle pfthe Hop,het, Religion and Politis in Iran, Pantheon books,
New York. 1983.
Nicdos, ed. Faire and Freedom, A Signet Book, 1964
Neamet Ullah, Hi-Itorp• the .4%h.ans, trans., Bernard Dorn, Reprint. Vanguard Books. Llhore, 1999.
Node, C. , State and Tribe in Nineteenth Centun .ffghani_stan. Reign of Amir Dost Mohammad hian, 1826-1863, Curzon, Press. 1997.
Norms, J. A, 77v first Ji•'ar, 1839— 1942, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
1%57.
Xuri, Mawlawi N. A., Gulshan-e-Amamt [The Garden of the Amir-ate]. Kabul,
1336/1957.
Plato. The Trial of Socrates, transl. by Grube, C. M. A. Hake' Publishing co.,
1 1957. Reprint
l'ul)lication C:elltcr. Peshawar. 1998.
The , Vataoua/ Histop the Hazara€ •l•lic Ismafiliyan press Institute. Iran,
1993.
Khattak. A.. Tarikh-eMorassa' (Pashto'. IA General Histor) of the Pashtuns]. cd. Mohmand. Dost D. Book Agency. Peshawar, year of print unknoqn. Kohzad. A. A., Afghanistan Dar Shahnama [Persian), [Afghanistan in the Shahnama], Baihaqi Publication, Kabul, 1353/1976.
Gharghasht _va Gharshasib Persian). [Gharghast or GharshasibJ, First published in 1976. Reprint by Daunish, Peshawar, 1999.
Krausse, A. , Russian m Asia, lu»ndon, 1899.
Kushkaki, B., Rahmomq)-e Qgtaghan tra Badakhshan (Persian), [A Guide to Qataghan and Badakhshan], Kabul, 1302/1924.
McChcsncy, R. D, l%zfin Central Asia, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1991.
NIacGregor, C. M.. Central Asia. ft. 11, .4 Centribufion towards the Better Knowledge of the Topography, Ethnology, Resources and History of Afghanistan, Calcutta, 1871 hr in Ughanulan. 1'879—80. The Pérsonal Diary of Major General sir Charles Metcalf MacGregor with an Introduction by Trousdale, W., Wayne State University Prcss, Detroit, 1985.
Mahomed. S. , The Life of -4bdur Rahman, Amir of Ughaniftan, 2 vols., John Murray, LJndon, 1900.
Mason, Varyative of Ihrious Journo's in Balochistan, Afghanistan, and the Papiab; including .4 Residence m Those Countries From 1826—1838, 3 First Published in 1842, Reprint, Oxford Cniu•rsity Press, 1 974
Xlanvat, F. R., ed. Ughandstan and the Frontier, Peshawar, 1993.
Mcrk. W. R. H. , The .\fnhmands, first published in 1898, Reprint by Vanguard Books Ltd., Lhore, 1984.
Mottahedeh, R. , Mantle pfthe Hop,het, Religion and Politis in Iran, Pantheon books,
New York. 1983.
Nicdos, ed. Faire and Freedom, A Signet Book, 1964
Neamet Ullah, Hi-Itorp• the .4%h.ans, trans., Bernard Dorn, Reprint. Vanguard Books. Llhore, 1999.
Node, C. , State and Tribe in Nineteenth Centun .ffghani_stan. Reign of Amir Dost Mohammad hian, 1826-1863, Curzon, Press. 1997.
Norms, J. A, 77v first Ji•'ar, 1839— 1942, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
1%57.
Xuri, Mawlawi N. A., Gulshan-e-Amamt [The Garden of the Amir-ate]. Kabul,
1336/1957.
Plato. The Trial of Socrates, transl. by Grube, C. M. A. Hake' Publishing co.,
1 1957. Reprint
l'ul)lication C:elltcr. Peshawar. 1998.
The , Vataoua/ Histop the Hazara€ •l•lic Ismafiliyan press Institute. Iran,
1993.
Khattak. A.. Tarikh-eMorassa' (Pashto'. IA General Histor) of the Pashtuns]. cd. Mohmand. Dost D. Book Agency. Peshawar, year of print unknoqn. Kohzad. A. A., Afghanistan Dar Shahnama [Persian), [Afghanistan in the Shahnama], Baihaqi Publication, Kabul, 1353/1976.
Gharghasht _va Gharshasib Persian). [Gharghast or GharshasibJ, First published in 1976. Reprint by Daunish, Peshawar, 1999.
Krausse, A. , Russian m Asia, lu»ndon, 1899.
Kushkaki, B., Rahmomq)-e Qgtaghan tra Badakhshan (Persian), [A Guide to Qataghan and Badakhshan], Kabul, 1302/1924.
McChcsncy, R. D, l%zfin Central Asia, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1991.
NIacGregor, C. M.. Central Asia. ft. 11, .4 Centribufion towards the Better Knowledge of the Topography, Ethnology, Resources and History of Afghanistan, Calcutta, 1871 hr in Ughanulan. 1'879—80. The Pérsonal Diary of Major General sir Charles Metcalf MacGregor with an Introduction by Trousdale, W., Wayne State University Prcss, Detroit, 1985.
Mahomed. S. , The Life of -4bdur Rahman, Amir of Ughaniftan, 2 vols., John Murray, LJndon, 1900.
Mason, Varyative of Ihrious Journo's in Balochistan, Afghanistan, and the Papiab; including .4 Residence m Those Countries From 1826—1838, 3 First Published in 1842, Reprint, Oxford Cniu•rsity Press, 1 974
Xlanvat, F. R., ed. Ughandstan and the Frontier, Peshawar, 1993.
Mcrk. W. R. H. , The .\fnhmands, first published in 1898, Reprint by Vanguard Books Ltd., Lhore, 1984.
Mottahedeh, R. , Mantle pfthe Hop,het, Religion and Politis in Iran, Pantheon books,
New York. 1983.
Nicdos, ed. Faire and Freedom, A Signet Book, 1964
Neamet Ullah, Hi-Itorp• the .4%h.ans, trans., Bernard Dorn, Reprint. Vanguard Books. Llhore, 1999.
Node, C. , State and Tribe in Nineteenth Centun .ffghani_stan. Reign of Amir Dost Mohammad hian, 1826-1863, Curzon, Press. 1997.
Norms, J. A, 77v first Ji•'ar, 1839— 1942, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
1%57.
Xuri, Mawlawi N. A., Gulshan-e-Amamt [The Garden of the Amir-ate]. Kabul,
1336/1957.
Plato. The Trial of Socrates, transl. by Grube, C. M. A. Hake' Publishing co.,
1 1957. Reprint
l'ul)lication C:elltcr. Peshawar. 1998.
The , Vataoua/ Histop the Hazara€ •l•lic Ismafiliyan press Institute. Iran,
1993.
Khattak. A.. Tarikh-eMorassa' (Pashto'. IA General Histor) of the Pashtuns]. cd. Mohmand. Dost D. Book Agency. Peshawar, year of print unknoqn. Kohzad. A. A., Afghanistan Dar Shahnama [Persian), [Afghanistan in the Shahnama], Baihaqi Publication, Kabul, 1353/1976.
Gharghasht _va Gharshasib Persian). [Gharghast or GharshasibJ, First published in 1976. Reprint by Daunish, Peshawar, 1999.
Krausse, A. , Russian m Asia, lu»ndon, 1899.
Kushkaki, B., Rahmomq)-e Qgtaghan tra Badakhshan (Persian), [A Guide to Qataghan and Badakhshan], Kabul, 1302/1924.
McChcsncy, R. D, l%zfin Central Asia, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1991.
NIacGregor, C. M.. Central Asia. ft. 11, .4 Centribufion towards the Better Knowledge of the Topography, Ethnology, Resources and History of Afghanistan, Calcutta, 1871 hr in Ughanulan. 1'879—80. The Pérsonal Diary of Major General sir Charles Metcalf MacGregor with an Introduction by Trousdale, W., Wayne State University Prcss, Detroit, 1985.
Mahomed. S. , The Life of -4bdur Rahman, Amir of Ughaniftan, 2 vols., John Murray, LJndon, 1900.
Mason, Varyative of Ihrious Journo's in Balochistan, Afghanistan, and the Papiab; including .4 Residence m Those Countries From 1826—1838, 3 First Published in 1842, Reprint, Oxford Cniu•rsity Press, 1 974
Xlanvat, F. R., ed. Ughandstan and the Frontier, Peshawar, 1993.
Mcrk. W. R. H. , The .\fnhmands, first published in 1898, Reprint by Vanguard Books Ltd., Lhore, 1984.
Mottahedeh, R. , Mantle pfthe Hop,het, Religion and Politis in Iran, Pantheon books,
New York. 1983.
Nicdos, ed. Faire and Freedom, A Signet Book, 1964
Neamet Ullah, Hi-Itorp• the .4%h.ans, trans., Bernard Dorn, Reprint. Vanguard Books. Llhore, 1999.
Node, C. , State and Tribe in Nineteenth Centun .ffghani_stan. Reign of Amir Dost Mohammad hian, 1826-1863, Curzon, Press. 1997.
Norms, J. A, 77v first Ji•'ar, 1839— 1942, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
1%57.
Xuri, Mawlawi N. A., Gulshan-e-Amamt [The Garden of the Amir-ate]. Kabul,
1336/1957.
Plato. The Trial of Socrates, transl. by Grube, C. M. A. Hake' Publishing co.,
1 1957. Reprint
l'ul)lication C:elltcr. Peshawar. 1998.
The , Vataoua/ Histop the Hazara€ •l•lic Ismafiliyan press Institute. Iran,
1993.
Khattak. A.. Tarikh-eMorassa' (Pashto'. IA General Histor) of the Pashtuns]. cd. Mohmand. Dost D. Book Agency. Peshawar, year of print unknoqn. Kohzad. A. A., Afghanistan Dar Shahnama [Persian), [Afghanistan in the Shahnama], Baihaqi Publication, Kabul, 1353/1976.
Gharghasht _va Gharshasib Persian). [Gharghast or GharshasibJ, First published in 1976. Reprint by Daunish, Peshawar, 1999.
Krausse, A. , Russian m Asia, lu»ndon, 1899.
Kushkaki, B., Rahmomq)-e Qgtaghan tra Badakhshan (Persian), [A Guide to Qataghan and Badakhshan], Kabul, 1302/1924.
McChcsncy, R. D, l%zfin Central Asia, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1991.
NIacGregor, C. M.. Central Asia. ft. 11, .4 Centribufion towards the Better Knowledge of the Topography, Ethnology, Resources and History of Afghanistan, Calcutta, 1871 hr in Ughanulan. 1'879—80. The Pérsonal Diary of Major General sir Charles Metcalf MacGregor with an Introduction by Trousdale, W., Wayne State University Prcss, Detroit, 1985.
Mahomed. S. , The Life of -4bdur Rahman, Amir of Ughaniftan, 2 vols., John Murray, LJndon, 1900.
Mason, Varyative of Ihrious Journo's in Balochistan, Afghanistan, and the Papiab; including .4 Residence m Those Countries From 1826—1838, 3 First Published in 1842, Reprint, Oxford Cniu•rsity Press, 1 974
Xlanvat, F. R., ed. Ughandstan and the Frontier, Peshawar, 1993.
Mcrk. W. R. H. , The .\fnhmands, first published in 1898, Reprint by Vanguard Books Ltd., Lhore, 1984.
Mottahedeh, R. , Mantle pfthe Hop,het, Religion and Politis in Iran, Pantheon books,
New York. 1983.
Nicdos, ed. Faire and Freedom, A Signet Book, 1964
Neamet Ullah, Hi-Itorp• the .4%h.ans, trans., Bernard Dorn, Reprint. Vanguard Books. Llhore, 1999.
Node, C. , State and Tribe in Nineteenth Centun .ffghani_stan. Reign of Amir Dost Mohammad hian, 1826-1863, Curzon, Press. 1997.
Norms, J. A, 77v first Ji•'ar, 1839— 1942, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
1%57.
Xuri, Mawlawi N. A., Gulshan-e-Amamt [The Garden of the Amir-ate]. Kabul,
1336/1957.
Plato. The Trial of Socrates, transl. by Grube, C. M. A. Hake' Publishing co.,
1 1957. Reprint
l'ul)lication C:elltcr. Peshawar. 1998.
The , Vataoua/ Histop the Hazara€ •l•lic Ismafiliyan press Institute. Iran,
1993.
Khattak. A.. Tarikh-eMorassa' (Pashto'. IA General Histor) of the Pashtuns]. cd. Mohmand. Dost D. Book Agency. Peshawar, year of print unknoqn. Kohzad. A. A., Afghanistan Dar Shahnama [Persian), [Afghanistan in the Shahnama], Baihaqi Publication, Kabul, 1353/1976.
Gharghasht _va Gharshasib Persian). [Gharghast or GharshasibJ, First published in 1976. Reprint by Daunish, Peshawar, 1999.
Krausse, A. , Russian m Asia, lu»ndon, 1899.
Kushkaki, B., Rahmomq)-e Qgtaghan tra Badakhshan (Persian), [A Guide to Qataghan and Badakhshan], Kabul, 1302/1924.
McChcsncy, R. D, l%zfin Central Asia, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1991.
NIacGregor, C. M.. Central Asia. ft. 11, .4 Centribufion towards the Better Knowledge of the Topography, Ethnology, Resources and History of Afghanistan, Calcutta, 1871 hr in Ughanulan. 1'879—80. The Pérsonal Diary of Major General sir Charles Metcalf MacGregor with an Introduction by Trousdale, W., Wayne State University Prcss, Detroit, 1985.
Mahomed. S. , The Life of -4bdur Rahman, Amir of Ughaniftan, 2 vols., John Murray, LJndon, 1900.
Mason, Varyative of Ihrious Journo's in Balochistan, Afghanistan, and the Papiab; including .4 Residence m Those Countries From 1826—1838, 3 First Published in 1842, Reprint, Oxford Cniu•rsity Press, 1 974
Xlanvat, F. R., ed. Ughandstan and the Frontier, Peshawar, 1993.
Mcrk. W. R. H. , The .\fnhmands, first published in 1898, Reprint by Vanguard Books Ltd., Lhore, 1984.
Mottahedeh, R. , Mantle pfthe Hop,het, Religion and Politis in Iran, Pantheon books,
New York. 1983.
Nicdos, ed. Faire and Freedom, A Signet Book, 1964
Neamet Ullah, Hi-Itorp• the .4%h.ans, trans., Bernard Dorn, Reprint. Vanguard Books. Llhore, 1999.
Node, C. , State and Tribe in Nineteenth Centun .ffghani_stan. Reign of Amir Dost Mohammad hian, 1826-1863, Curzon, Press. 1997.
Norms, J. A, 77v first Ji•'ar, 1839— 1942, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
1%57.
Xuri, Mawlawi N. A., Gulshan-e-Amamt [The Garden of the Amir-ate]. Kabul,
1336/1957.
Plato. The Trial of Socrates, transl. by Grube, C. M. A. Hake' Publishing co.,
1 1957. Reprint
l'ul)lication C:elltcr. Peshawar. 1998.
The , Vataoua/ Histop the Hazara€ •l•lic Ismafiliyan press Institute. Iran,
1993.
Khattak. A.. Tarikh-eMorassa' (Pashto'. IA General Histor) of the Pashtuns]. cd. Mohmand. Dost D. Book Agency. Peshawar, year of print unknoqn. Kohzad. A. A., Afghanistan Dar Shahnama [Persian), [Afghanistan in the Shahnama], Baihaqi Publication, Kabul, 1353/1976.
Gharghasht _va Gharshasib Persian). [Gharghast or GharshasibJ, First published in 1976. Reprint by Daunish, Peshawar, 1999.
Krausse, A. , Russian m Asia, lu»ndon, 1899.
Kushkaki, B., Rahmomq)-e Qgtaghan tra Badakhshan (Persian), [A Guide to Qataghan and Badakhshan], Kabul, 1302/1924.
McChcsncy, R. D, l%zfin Central Asia, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1991.
NIacGregor, C. M.. Central Asia. ft. 11, .4 Centribufion towards the Better Knowledge of the Topography, Ethnology, Resources and History of Afghanistan, Calcutta, 1871 hr in Ughanulan. 1'879—80. The Pérsonal Diary of Major General sir Charles Metcalf MacGregor with an Introduction by Trousdale, W., Wayne State University Prcss, Detroit, 1985.
Mahomed. S. , The Life of -4bdur Rahman, Amir of Ughaniftan, 2 vols., John Murray, LJndon, 1900.
Mason, Varyative of Ihrious Journo's in Balochistan, Afghanistan, and the Papiab; including .4 Residence m Those Countries From 1826—1838, 3 First Published in 1842, Reprint, Oxford Cniu•rsity Press, 1 974
Xlanvat, F. R., ed. Ughandstan and the Frontier, Peshawar, 1993.
Mcrk. W. R. H. , The .\fnhmands, first published in 1898, Reprint by Vanguard Books Ltd., Lhore, 1984.
Mottahedeh, R. , Mantle pfthe Hop,het, Religion and Politis in Iran, Pantheon books,
New York. 1983.
Nicdos, ed. Faire and Freedom, A Signet Book, 1964
Neamet Ullah, Hi-Itorp• the .4%h.ans, trans., Bernard Dorn, Reprint. Vanguard Books. Llhore, 1999.
Node, C. , State and Tribe in Nineteenth Centun .ffghani_stan. Reign of Amir Dost Mohammad hian, 1826-1863, Curzon, Press. 1997.
Norms, J. A, 77v first Ji•'ar, 1839— 1942, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
1%57.
Xuri, Mawlawi N. A., Gulshan-e-Amamt [The Garden of the Amir-ate]. Kabul,
1336/1957.
Plato. The Trial of Socrates, transl. by Grube, C. M. A. Hake' Publishing co.,
the Great, 45, 76, 98.
Aman Allah Khan, King. 7
Ambia Khan, Sardar. cldcr of Taimani trih•. 57
Andkhov. 102, 108
Anglo-Afghan IVars, First, 1838—1841,
- 164: consequences of, First,
160—161; Second, 4, 26—27, 166
Aparytac, sce Afr-iday
Apriday or Afriday, 2n
Arsari, Turkmen tribe, 203
Asmar, 75-76, 86
AspasÅns, 76, 85
Asva-ghana, 76, see also Pashtun
Auckland, Lord, viceroy Of India,
160
Azmat Hayat Khan, 183
Babuqara, 77
Babur, Mohammad Zahir al-Din,
Founder of Mughal dynasty, 69, 128, 149
Bactra, see Balkh
Bactria, see Ba]kh
Bactriana, see Balkh
Bactrians, In, 85
Badakhshan, 109—110•, slavery in, 1 13,
115
Badal (revenge), 68
Baha al-Din, Khwaja, founder Of the
Naqshbandiyya order, I C) I
Baha *Din, Sayyid, Of Konarr, 69-70
Bahadur Khan Kabuli, 23
Bajaur, 75-76, 78, 180, 185-186
Bajgah, Battle in 1864 Of, I I
Bakhdi, see Balkh
Bakhtar, 96, 149
Balkh, 96, 98—99
52
Bonair. 69
British embassy in Kabul. destruction of, 29, 167
Buffer zone, emergence of, as a concept, 222, see also Afghanistan
Bukhara, I Il, 113, 194
Burnes, Alexander, 160, 193
Burrows, Major General G.R.S. takes
position in Maiwand, 47
Buryat, 123
Caro, Sir Olaf, author, 179
Cavagnari, Major here Louis, 28, 33; death of, 29, 166-167
Cavagnarizays (pro-Cavagnari or pro-English parry), 37
Chagbatay, 123
Chagheh, 180
Neville, mission Of, 26,
166
Char Aimaq of Herat, 57, 208
Char Asia, Battle Of, 30
Charmang, 77
Chinggis Khan, 122
Chitral, 29, 1 18, 139, 150; mehter of,
77, 79, 151-152, 180, 185
Churchill, Winston, Sir, 189
Civil war of the 1860s, 4, 10; causes
of, 12-15
Conolly, Captain Arthur, 194
Crimean war (1854—56), 194, 223
Curzon, L.ord, Viceroy of India, 175
Darab Shah, 114 Darius, emperor, of Achamaenid Persia, 98, 157
Darwaz, district of, 109
the Great, 45, 76, 98.
Aman Allah Khan, King. 7
Ambia Khan, Sardar. cldcr of Taimani trih•. 57
Andkhov. 102, 108
Anglo-Afghan IVars, First, 1838—1841,
- 164: consequences of, First,
160—161; Second, 4, 26—27, 166
Aparytac, sce Afr-iday
Apriday or Afriday, 2n
Arsari, Turkmen tribe, 203
Asmar, 75-76, 86
AspasÅns, 76, 85
Asva-ghana, 76, see also Pashtun
Auckland, Lord, viceroy Of India,
160
Azmat Hayat Khan, 183
Babuqara, 77
Babur, Mohammad Zahir al-Din,
Founder of Mughal dynasty, 69, 128, 149
Bactra, see Balkh
Bactria, see Ba]kh
Bactriana, see Balkh
Bactrians, In, 85
Badakhshan, 109—110•, slavery in, 1 13,
115
Badal (revenge), 68
Baha al-Din, Khwaja, founder Of the
Naqshbandiyya order, I C) I
Baha *Din, Sayyid, Of Konarr, 69-70
Bahadur Khan Kabuli, 23
Bajaur, 75-76, 78, 180, 185-186
Bajgah, Battle in 1864 Of, I I
Bakhdi, see Balkh
Bakhtar, 96, 149
Balkh, 96, 98—99
52
Bonair. 69
British embassy in Kabul. destruction of, 29, 167
Buffer zone, emergence of, as a concept, 222, see also Afghanistan
Bukhara, I Il, 113, 194
Burnes, Alexander, 160, 193
Burrows, Major General G.R.S. takes
position in Maiwand, 47
Buryat, 123
Caro, Sir Olaf, author, 179
Cavagnari, Major here Louis, 28, 33; death of, 29, 166-167
Cavagnarizays (pro-Cavagnari or pro-English parry), 37
Chagbatay, 123
Chagheh, 180
Neville, mission Of, 26,
166
Char Aimaq of Herat, 57, 208
Char Asia, Battle Of, 30
Charmang, 77
Chinggis Khan, 122
Chitral, 29, 1 18, 139, 150; mehter of,
77, 79, 151-152, 180, 185
Churchill, Winston, Sir, 189
Civil war of the 1860s, 4, 10; causes
of, 12-15
Conolly, Captain Arthur, 194
Crimean war (1854—56), 194, 223
Curzon, L.ord, Viceroy of India, 175
Darab Shah, 114 Darius, emperor, of Achamaenid Persia, 98, 157
Darwaz, district of, 109
the Great, 45, 76, 98.
Aman Allah Khan, King. 7
Ambia Khan, Sardar. cldcr of Taimani trih•. 57
Andkhov. 102, 108
Anglo-Afghan IVars, First, 1838—1841,
- 164: consequences of, First,
160—161; Second, 4, 26—27, 166
Aparytac, sce Afr-iday
Apriday or Afriday, 2n
Arsari, Turkmen tribe, 203
Asmar, 75-76, 86
AspasÅns, 76, 85
Asva-ghana, 76, see also Pashtun
Auckland, Lord, viceroy Of India,
160
Azmat Hayat Khan, 183
Babuqara, 77
Babur, Mohammad Zahir al-Din,
Founder of Mughal dynasty, 69, 128, 149
Bactra, see Balkh
Bactria, see Ba]kh
Bactriana, see Balkh
Bactrians, In, 85
Badakhshan, 109—110•, slavery in, 1 13,
115
Badal (revenge), 68
Baha al-Din, Khwaja, founder Of the
Naqshbandiyya order, I C) I
Baha *Din, Sayyid, Of Konarr, 69-70
Bahadur Khan Kabuli, 23
Bajaur, 75-76, 78, 180, 185-186
Bajgah, Battle in 1864 Of, I I
Bakhdi, see Balkh
Bakhtar, 96, 149
Balkh, 96, 98—99
52
Bonair. 69
British embassy in Kabul. destruction of, 29, 167
Buffer zone, emergence of, as a concept, 222, see also Afghanistan
Bukhara, I Il, 113, 194
Burnes, Alexander, 160, 193
Burrows, Major General G.R.S. takes position in Maiwand, 47
Buryat, 123
Caro, Sir Olaf, author, 179
Cavagnari, Major here Louis, 28, 33; death of, 29, 166-167
Cavagnarizays (pro-Cavagnari or pro-English parry), 37
Chagbatay, 123
Chagheh, 180
Neville, mission Of, 26,
166
Char Aimaq of Herat, 57, 208
Char Asia, Battle Of, 30
Charmang, 77
Chinggis Khan, 122
Chitral, 29, 1 18, 139, 150; mehter of,
77, 79, 151-152, 180, 185
Churchill, Winston, Sir, 189
Civil war of the 1860s, 4, 10; causes
of, 12-15
Conolly, Captain Arthur, 194
Crimean war (1854—56), 194, 223
Curzon, L.ord, Viceroy of India, 175
Darab Shah, 114 Darius, emperor, of Achamaenid Persia, 98, 157
Darwaz, district of, 109
the Great, 45, 76, 98.
Aman Allah Khan, King. 7
Ambia Khan, Sardar. cldcr of Taimani trih•. 57
Andkhov. 102, 108
Anglo-Afghan IVars, First, 1838—1841,
- 164: consequences of, First,
160—161; Second, 4, 26—27, 166
Aparytac, sce Afr-iday
Apriday or Afriday, 2n
Arsari, Turkmen tribe, 203
Asmar, 75-76, 86
AspasÅns, 76, 85
Asva-ghana, 76, see also Pashtun
Auckland, Lord, viceroy Of India,
160
Azmat Hayat Khan, 183
Babuqara, 77
Babur, Mohammad Zahir al-Din,
Founder of Mughal dynasty, 69, 128, 149
Bactra, see Balkh
Bactria, see Ba]kh
Bactriana, see Balkh
Bactrians, In, 85
Badakhshan, 109—110•, slavery in, 1 13,
115
Badal (revenge), 68
Baha al-Din, Khwaja, founder Of the
Naqshbandiyya order, I C) I
Baha *Din, Sayyid, Of Konarr, 69-70
Bahadur Khan Kabuli, 23
Bajaur, 75-76, 78, 180, 185-186
Bajgah, Battle in 1864 Of, I I
Bakhdi, see Balkh
Bakhtar, 96, 149
Balkh, 96, 98—99
52
Bonair. 69
British embassy in Kabul. destruction of, 29, 167
Buffer zone, emergence of, as a concept, 222, see also Afghanistan
Bukhara, I Il, 113, 194
Burnes, Alexander, 160, 193
Burrows, Major General G.R.S. takes position in Maiwand, 47
Buryat, 123
Caro, Sir Olaf, author, 179
Cavagnari, Major here Louis, 28, 33; death of, 29, 166-167
Cavagnarizays (pro-Cavagnari or pro-English parry), 37
Chagbatay, 123
Chagheh, 180
Neville, mission Of, 26,
166
Char Aimaq of Herat, 57, 208
Char Asia, Battle Of, 30
Charmang, 77
Chinggis Khan, 122
Chitral, 29, 1 18, 139, 150; mehter of,
77, 79, 151-152, 180, 185
Churchill, Winston, Sir, 189
Civil war of the 1860s, 4, 10; causes
of, 12-15
Conolly, Captain Arthur, 194
Crimean war (1854—56), 194, 223
Curzon, L.ord, Viceroy of India, 175
Darab Shah, 114 Darius, emperor, of Achamaenid Persia, 98, 157
Darwaz, district of, 109
the Great, 45, 76, 98.
Aman Allah Khan, King. 7
Ambia Khan, Sardar. cldcr of Taimani trih•. 57
Andkhov. 102, 108
Anglo-Afghan IVars, First, 1838—1841,
- 164: consequences of, First,
160—161; Second, 4, 26—27, 166
Aparytac, sce Afr-iday
Apriday or Afriday, 2n
Arsari, Turkmen tribe, 203
Asmar, 75-76, 86
AspasÅns, 76, 85
Asva-ghana, 76, see also Pashtun
Auckland, Lord, viceroy Of India,
160
Azmat Hayat Khan, 183
Babuqara, 77
Babur, Mohammad Zahir al-Din,
Founder of Mughal dynasty, 69, 128, 149
Bactra, see Balkh
Bactria, see Ba]kh
Bactriana, see Balkh
Bactrians, In, 85
Badakhshan, 109—110•, slavery in, 1 13,
115
Badal (revenge), 68
Baha al-Din, Khwaja, founder Of the
Naqshbandiyya order, I C) I
Baha *Din, Sayyid, Of Konarr, 69-70
Bahadur Khan Kabuli, 23
Bajaur, 75-76, 78, 180, 185-186
Bajgah, Battle in 1864 Of, I I
Bakhdi, see Balkh
Bakhtar, 96, 149
Balkh, 96, 98—99
52
Bonair. 69
British embassy in Kabul. destruction of, 29, 167
Buffer zone, emergence of, as a concept, 222, see also Afghanistan
Bukhara, I Il, 113, 194
Burnes, Alexander, 160, 193
Burrows, Major General G.R.S. takes position in Maiwand, 47
Buryat, 123
Caro, Sir Olaf, author, 179
Cavagnari, Major here Louis, 28, 33; death of, 29, 166-167
Cavagnarizays (pro-Cavagnari or pro-English parry), 37
Chagbatay, 123
Chagheh, 180
Neville, mission Of, 26,
166
Char Aimaq of Herat, 57, 208
Char Asia, Battle Of, 30
Charmang, 77
Chinggis Khan, 122
Chitral, 29, 1 18, 139, 150; mehter of,
77, 79, 151-152, 180, 185
Churchill, Winston, Sir, 189
Civil war of the 1860s, 4, 10; causes
of, 12-15
Conolly, Captain Arthur, 194
Crimean war (1854—56), 194, 223
Curzon, L.ord, Viceroy of India, 175
Darab Shah, 114 Darius, emperor, of Achamaenid Persia, 98, 157
Darwaz, district of, 109
the Great, 45, 76, 98.
Aman Allah Khan, King. 7
Ambia Khan, Sardar. cldcr of Taimani trih•. 57
Andkhov. 102, 108
Anglo-Afghan IVars, First, 1838—1841,
- 164: consequences of, First,
160—161; Second, 4, 26—27, 166
Aparytac, sce Afr-iday
Apriday or Afriday, 2n
Arsari, Turkmen tribe, 203
Asmar, 75-76, 86
AspasÅns, 76, 85
Asva-ghana, 76, see also Pashtun
Auckland, Lord, viceroy Of India,
160
Azmat Hayat Khan, 183
Babuqara, 77
Babur, Mohammad Zahir al-Din,
Founder of Mughal dynasty, 69, 128, 149
Bactra, see Balkh
Bactria, see Ba]kh
Bactriana, see Balkh
Bactrians, In, 85
Badakhshan, 109—110•, slavery in, 1 13,
115
Badal (revenge), 68
Baha al-Din, Khwaja, founder Of the
Naqshbandiyya order, I C) I
Baha *Din, Sayyid, Of Konarr, 69-70
Bahadur Khan Kabuli, 23
Bajaur, 75-76, 78, 180, 185-186
Bajgah, Battle in 1864 Of, I I
Bakhdi, see Balkh
Bakhtar, 96, 149
Balkh, 96, 98—99
52
Bonair. 69
British embassy in Kabul. destruction of, 29, 167
Buffer zone, emergence of, as a concept, 222, see also Afghanistan
Bukhara, I Il, 113, 194
Burnes, Alexander, 160, 193
Burrows, Major General G.R.S. takes position in Maiwand, 47
Buryat, 123
Caro, Sir Olaf, author, 179
Cavagnari, Major here Louis, 28, 33; death of, 29, 166-167
Cavagnarizays (pro-Cavagnari or pro-English parry), 37
Chagbatay, 123
Chagheh, 180
Neville, mission Of, 26,
166
Char Aimaq of Herat, 57, 208
Char Asia, Battle Of, 30
Charmang, 77
Chinggis Khan, 122
Chitral, 29, 1 18, 139, 150; mehter of,
77, 79, 151-152, 180, 185
Churchill, Winston, Sir, 189
Civil war of the 1860s, 4, 10; causes
of, 12-15
Conolly, Captain Arthur, 194
Crimean war (1854—56), 194, 223
Curzon, L.ord, Viceroy of India, 175
Darab Shah, 114 Darius, emperor, of Achamaenid Persia, 98, 157
Darwaz, district of, 109
the Great, 45, 76, 98.
Aman Allah Khan, King. 7
Ambia Khan, Sardar. cldcr of Taimani trih•. 57
Andkhov. 102, 108
Anglo-Afghan IVars, First, 1838—1841,
- 164: consequences of, First,
160—161; Second, 4, 26—27, 166
Aparytac, sce Afr-iday
Apriday or Afriday, 2n
Arsari, Turkmen tribe, 203
Asmar, 75-76, 86
AspasÅns, 76, 85
Asva-ghana, 76, see also Pashtun
Auckland, Lord, viceroy Of India,
160
Azmat Hayat Khan, 183
Babuqara, 77
Babur, Mohammad Zahir al-Din,
Founder of Mughal dynasty, 69, 128, 149
Bactra, see Balkh
Bactria, see Ba]kh
Bactriana, see Balkh
Bactrians, In, 85
Badakhshan, 109—110•, slavery in, 1 13,
115
Badal (revenge), 68
Baha al-Din, Khwaja, founder Of the
Naqshbandiyya order, I C) I
Baha *Din, Sayyid, Of Konarr, 69-70
Bahadur Khan Kabuli, 23
Bajaur, 75-76, 78, 180, 185-186
Bajgah, Battle in 1864 Of, I I
Bakhdi, see Balkh
Bakhtar, 96, 149
Balkh, 96, 98—99
52
Bonair. 69
British embassy in Kabul. destruction of, 29, 167
Buffer zone, emergence of, as a concept, 222, see also Afghanistan
Bukhara, I Il, 113, 194
Burnes, Alexander, 160, 193
Burrows, Major General G.R.S. takes position in Maiwand, 47
Buryat, 123
Caro, Sir Olaf, author, 179
Cavagnari, Major here Louis, 28, 33; death of, 29, 166-167
Cavagnarizays (pro-Cavagnari or pro-English parry), 37
Chagbatay, 123
Chagheh, 180
Neville, mission Of, 26,
166
Char Aimaq of Herat, 57, 208
Char Asia, Battle Of, 30
Charmang, 77
Chinggis Khan, 122
Chitral, 29, 1 18, 139, 150; mehter of,
77, 79, 151-152, 180, 185
Churchill, Winston, Sir, 189
Civil war of the 1860s, 4, 10; causes
of, 12-15
Conolly, Captain Arthur, 194
Crimean war (1854—56), 194, 223
Curzon, L.ord, Viceroy of India, 175
Darab Shah, 114 Darius, emperor, of Achamaenid Persia, 98, 157
Darwaz, district of, 109
the Great, 45, 76, 98.
Aman Allah Khan, King. 7
Ambia Khan, Sardar. cldcr of Taimani trih•. 57
Andkhov. 102, 108
Anglo-Afghan IVars, First, 1838—1841,
- 164: consequences of, First,
160—161; Second, 4, 26—27, 166
Aparytac, sce Afr-iday
Apriday or Afriday, 2n
Arsari, Turkmen tribe, 203
Asmar, 75-76, 86
AspasÅns, 76, 85
Asva-ghana, 76, see also Pashtun
Auckland, Lord, viceroy Of India,
160
Azmat Hayat Khan, 183
Babuqara, 77
Babur, Mohammad Zahir al-Din,
Founder of Mughal dynasty, 69, 128, 149
Bactra, see Balkh
Bactria, see Ba]kh
Bactriana, see Balkh
Bactrians, In, 85
Badakhshan, 109—110•, slavery in, 1 13,
115
Badal (revenge), 68
Baha al-Din, Khwaja, founder Of the
Naqshbandiyya order, I C) I
Baha *Din, Sayyid, Of Konarr, 69-70
Bahadur Khan Kabuli, 23
Bajaur, 75-76, 78, 180, 185-186
Bajgah, Battle in 1864 Of, I I
Bakhdi, see Balkh
Bakhtar, 96, 149
Balkh, 96, 98—99
52
Bonair. 69
British embassy in Kabul. destruction of, 29, 167
Buffer zone, emergence of, as a concept, 222, see also Afghanistan
Bukhara, I Il, 113, 194
Burnes, Alexander, 160, 193
Burrows, Major General G.R.S. takes position in Maiwand, 47
Buryat, 123
Caro, Sir Olaf, author, 179
Cavagnari, Major here Louis, 28, 33; death of, 29, 166-167
Cavagnarizays (pro-Cavagnari or pro-English parry), 37
Chagbatay, 123
Chagheh, 180
Neville, mission Of, 26,
166
Char Aimaq of Herat, 57, 208
Char Asia, Battle Of, 30
Charmang, 77
Chinggis Khan, 122
Chitral, 29, 1 18, 139, 150; mehter of,
77, 79, 151-152, 180, 185
Churchill, Winston, Sir, 189
Civil war of the 1860s, 4, 10; causes
of, 12-15
Conolly, Captain Arthur, 194
Crimean war (1854—56), 194, 223
Curzon, L.ord, Viceroy of India, 175
Darab Shah, 114 Darius, emperor, of Achamaenid Persia, 98, 157
Darwaz, district of, 109
[1] ' Ibid., 135. Ibid., 130.
Ghobar, Masb-e-TarÆ, 612.
[2] For details see, SiyaJ, Mira Jan, Mohmand Baba, (in Pashto), University Book Agency, Peshawar, 1950. am grateful to Dr. Zamin Mohmand for lending me this book.
[3] For details see, SiyaJ, Mira Jan, Mohmand Baba, (in Pashto), University Book Agency, Peshawar, 1950. am grateful to Dr. Zamin Mohmand for lending me this book.
[4] Fayz Mohammad, Sirq at-Tawarikh, 516.
MM, Nov. 86, PSI-I, 49, 75.
[5] The Amir to Colonel 'Ata Allah, British Agent, KD, 2 Nov. 86, PSLI, 48, 117.
[6] Fayz Moharnrnad, al-Tuurikh, 531. KD, 29 Oct. 86, PSI-I, 48, 1173.
[7] GAK (1895), 279. Riyazi, 'Ayn al-Waqayi% 247. Fayz Mohammad, alTawar±h, 606. Subadar Hussayn Khan, 1886, PSLI, 49, 415—547.
For names of tribal sections and elders see, Fayz Mohammad, al-Taunnu, 727—728. Riyazi, Zia al-Mu%zrgfa, 44—45.
[8] Fayz Mohammad, Sir$ al-Tawahkh, 728.
Statement by Mir Mohammad Hussyan Beg, elder of Sultan Mohammad clan, 11 Apr. 94, psu, 74, 547.
[9] GAK (1895), 279. Riyazi, 'Ayn al-Waqayi% 247. Fayz Mohammad, alTawar±h, 606. Subadar Hussayn Khan, 1886, PSLI, 49, 415—547.
For names of tribal sections and elders see, Fayz Mohammad, al-Taunnu, 727—728. Riyazi, Zia al-Mu%zrgfa, 44—45.
[10] Fayz Mohammad, Sir$ al-Tawahkh, 728.
Statement by Mir Mohammad Hussyan Beg, elder of Sultan Mohammad clan, 11 Apr. 94, psu, 74, 547.
[11] Ghobar, The Geographical Histor of.dfghanistan, 140. Tauza, 178.
Tauza, 177-181.
Tauza, 185.
[12] Masson, Charles, Namative of Various joumeys in Balochistan, Afghanistan, and the Parb, First published 435. in 1842. Reprint by Oxford University Press, 1874, l, 227.
[13] Ghobar, The Geographical Histor of.dfghanistan, 140. Tauza, 178.
Tauza, 177-181.
Tauza, 185.
[14] Masson, Charles, Namative of Various joumeys in Balochistan, Afghanistan, and the Parb, First published 435. in 1842. Reprint by Oxford University Press, 1874, l, 227.
د افغان او افغانستان د کلمی ایجاد او منځ ته راتگ (لیکونکی پوهاند انجینر شرافت رای [دوست خیل]) د ويکيپېډيا لخوا د دې لپاره چې دا ليکنه د ويکيپېډيا د کيفيت له معيارنو برخمنه شي نو په دې ليکنه کې د ويکيسازنې کړنې پلي کړۍ. لطفاً د اړونده خپلمنځي تړنو، د ليکنې د متن په ساده کولو او د ليکنې د بڼې په ښه کولو کې مرسته وکړۍ. د نورو مالوماتو لپاره ښي لور کې د [ښکاره کول] تڼۍ کېښکاږۍ.[ښکاره کول]
د افغان کلمه چې اوس د افغانستان د ټولو خلکو ملي نوم دی او د اسيا په زړه کې تر ټولو تاريخي، وټه ييزه او ټولنيزو شرايطو لاندې يو نه بيلېدونکی واحد دی چې اووه سوه ( ۷۰۰ ) کلن تاريخي لرغونتوب او ملي اصالت لري.
په افغانستان کې دننه او دباندې ځينې کسان فکر کوي چې دانومونه د احمدشاه ابدالي په لاس د افغاني دولت تر بيا جوړولو وروسته په اتلسمه پېړۍ کې رامينځ ته شوي او زمونږ هغه هېوادوال چې له تاريخي پېښونه خبر نه دي تل له مانه پوشتي چې ايا دا نومونه لرغونی تاريخ لري کنه؟ نو ځکه په دې ليکنه کې په ډېر لنډيز سره د خپل ملي تاريخ دا موضوع درنو لوستونکو ته وړاندې کوم. د افغان نوم تر کومه ځايه چې ماته څرگند دی په تاريخ کې اوږدې ريښې لري او په همدې سيمه کې د هلمند او سند د دوو لويو سيندونو تر مينځ په همدې نامه يوې ډلې وگړو ژوند کاوه چې تفصيل يې دادی.
شل کاله پخوا (اوس پنځه پنځوس کاله مترجم) د ايران د شېراز په نقش رستم کې د شيکاگو د ختيځې موسسې د لرغونپوهانو يوې ډلې د هغه ځای په ډبر ليکونو کې د زردشت په کعبه کې په دوو پهلوي اشکاني (پارتي) او يوناني ژبو يو ډبر ليک وموند چې هغه د ساساني کورنی دوهم بادشاه لومړني شاه پورتر ۲۶۰ ميلادي کال او د او يسي په جگړه کې د روم د امپراتور واليرين ( valerian ) تر ماتې او اسارت وروسته دلته د زردشت د کعبې د ديوال په ډبرو ليکلي دي.
څرنگه چې لومړی شاپور ۲۷۳ م کال مړشوی نو د دې ډبرليکلو نېټه د ۲۶۰ تر ۲۷۳ ع کال پورې د ديارلسو کلونو تر مينځ ټاکلای شو.
د دې ډبر ليک نيمگړې فارسي ژباړه دې د لرغونپوهنې د رپوټونو د ۴ ټوک په ۱۸۱ مخ کې چې په ۱۹۵۹ ع کال په شېراز (ايران) کې خپور شوی، وکتل شي). د دې ډبرليک په دوهم بند کې د پشکابور ( Pashkabur ) د ښار نوم د کوشان خساتر ( kushan-khsatr ) يعنې د کوشاني هېواد د وروستني ختيځ سرحد په توگه ياد شوی دی چې هغه يې د يوناني له “کسپاپوروس” د چيني هيون تسنگ له پو-لو-شا-پو-لو او د اسلامي دورې د مورخينو له پرشا پور او پر شاور (پېښور) سره يو بللی دی. دهمدې ډبرليک په شپږمه برخه کې د شاه پور د واکمنۍ په مهمو کسانو کې د “ وينده فرو ابگان رزمه ود” ( ۱ ) نوم ياد شوی دی چې د سپرنگ لونگ ( Sprengling ) په نامه يوه محقق لومړی ځل دا ډبر ليک ولوست او دامريکې په سامي مجله کې يې په ۱۹۴۰ کال يوه مقاله وليکله او دوهمه کلمه “ابگان” يې په قاطع ډول د افغان له او سني پاچا دريم شاه پور له نامه سره چې له ۳۰۹ تر ۳۷۹ ع کال پورې يې او يا کاله پاچاهي کړې د اپکان ( Apkan ) په بڼه يو صفت او لقب ياد شوی دی چې دا کلمه هم کولای شو د “ ابگان” د يادې شوې کلمې غوندې وگڼو چې د زړورتوب، رشد او نجابت د صفت او يا به هم د نژادي تړون په بنا راوړل شوې وي او همدا موضوع ده چې ځينې مورخين لکه سر او لف کيرو يې د ساساني دربارپه مشرانو کې د درانيو او يو سفزيو د شته والي په فکر کړی دی (و گورئ پټانان – انگليسي متن ۸۰ مخ) او موږ نوموړی نوم “وينده فرن افغان رزم بد” يعنې يو افغان د جگړې سالار وينده فرن ويلای شو چې ښايي يو افغاني سلار وي. د فردوسي په شهنامه کې هم دوه ځله د “آوگان” نوم راغلی چې د فريدون د وخت له سپه سالارانو څخه ؤ.
سپهدار چون قارن کاو گان
سپه کش چو شيروي وچون آوگان
( شاهنامه، د مسکوچاپ، لومړی ټوک، ۱۱۰ مخ)
همدا د فريدون په داستان کې يوځل وايي:
همه گرد ايوان، دورويه سپاه
بزرين غمود و به زرين کلاه
سپهدار چون قارن کاوان
به پيش سپاه اندرون آوگان
(لومړی ټوک، ۱۱۶ مخ)
په هر حال له دې يادونې څخه داسې څرگندېږي چې اوه – اوگان په لرغونو اريايي رواياتو او شاهنامو کې دود و او که د بو ستي د وينا له مخې يې اصل او ستايي و بولو نو معنی به يې مهربان او لاس نيوونکی وي چې نومونه له لرغونو اتلانو سره وړ وو او که بيا وروسته د يوه قوم او يا ټولنې په معنی او ښتی وي ليرې نه ده. که د ابگان، په اگان کلمو ته په زړو رواياتو او د ساساني دورې په پاتې شونو کې د باور وړ اهميت ورکړل شي لکه چې سپرنگ لنگ او او لف کيرو همدا نظر لري نو دعوه کولای شو چې د افغان نوم يا صفتد بگان او اپه گان په بڼه له دريمې غيسوي پېړۍ (صدۍ) څخه اخيستل کېده او بادشاهانو، اداره چيانو او او وا کمنانو پېژانده او دا سند تر اوسه د دې نامه د لرغونتوب په باب د يادولو وړ زوړ سند دی چې د زړو روايتونو “او گان” هم ورته دی.
دوهم له ترلاسه شويو او پاتې شويو آثار سره اړه لري چې دا نوم د اوه گانه ( Avagana ) بڼه چې د ساساني دورې د ابگان او اپه گان له بڼو سره ورته دی، په هندي آثارو کې په لاندې تفصيل مومو.
ورهامي هيرا ( Varha-Mihira ) هندي شاعر او نجومي دی چې د پنځمې عيسوي پېړۍ په پای کې د هند په راجين کې وزېږېد او د ۵۰۵ ع شاوخوا يې ښه شهرت وموند، د ده مهم کتاب “پنجد سيد هانتيکا” ) pance Siddhantika ) نومېده چې د نجوم د علم د پنځو کتابونو لنډيز ؤ او دی د نجوم په باب يو منظوم کتاب هم لري چې پکې يې د ښکلو ډبرو. د هند د جغرافيې او نور د کار وړ موضوعاتو په باب هم خبرې کړې او نوم يې پرې بهريته سنهيته ( Bhrita Sanhita ) اېښي دي چې په ۶۱ - ۱۱ او ۳۱ - ۱۶ بيتونو کې يې دافغان نوم داوه گانه په بڼه ياد شوی دی. لکه څرنگه چې فرانسوي عالم موسيو فوشه په خپل تکسيلا ته د هند او باختر زړه لار “ ۱۹۴۷ ” کال کې د پاريس چاپ، ۲۳۵ - ۲۵۲ مخونه، ۱۷ نوټ کې شرح کړی دی. دا د شپږمې پېړۍ په مينځ-مينځ کې د افغان ډېر زوړ ياد دی، ځکه هندي منجم “ورهاميهيرا” په ۵۸۷ ع کال مړشوی او وايي چې د ده نجومي معلومات يو ناني سرچينه درلوده او د ځمکې په کرويتوب (گردوالي) قايل و، دده دوه کتابونه ابو ريحان بېروني په عربي ژباړلي نوله همدې امله په پوهانو کې د ده شهرت او ثقه والی تل د باور وړو.
د همدې تاريخي سند له مخې د “افغان” کلمه په هنديانو کې لږ تر لږه ۱۴۰۰ کاله وړاندې هم مشهوره وه او هندي ليکوالو ياده کړې ده.
تر اسلام وړاندې پېړيو کې مو د افغان نوم په دوو پخوانيو سندونو لويديځ ته په پارس او ختيځ ته په هندوکې در وښود او موږ پوهېږو چې همدا وخت بودايي دين د افغانستان په ختيځ او شمال کې دودؤ بېلو ښارونو لکه بلځ، کندز، کاپيسا، هډې، لغمان او له غزني نه تر کندهاره پورې ودان وو او څرنگه چې د چين خلک هم د دين له مخې بودايان وونو ځکه به د چين بودايي زيارت کوونکي تل د زيارت او تبرک له پاره دې هېواد ته تلل له دې زيارت کوونکو څخه يو هم “هيون تسنگ” دی چې د اوومې پېړۍ په لومړۍ نيمايي کې د اسلام له ظهورسره سم خو د عربو په لاس د افغانستان تر فتح کېدو وړاندې دې هېواد ته راغلی دی، دی د ۶۲۹ ع کال د اگست په لومړۍ نېټه له “ليانگ چو” نه را روان شو او د ۶۳۰ ع د مارچ په ۵ ”سمرقند” او په ۲۰ نېټه د افغانستان “خلم” ته راورسېدل، دی د اپريل په ۲۰ په “بلخ” او د اپريل په ۳۰ په باميانو کې ؤ او د هندوکش په له واورو ډک غره د می په لسمه نېټه “کاپيسا” ته راورسېد، د اوړي تر پايه پورې د کابل شاهانو په دې پايتخت کې پاتې شو او بيا يې خپل سفر ته داسې دوام ورکړ.
د اگست په ۱۵ لغمان ته راغی او درې ورځې يې هلته تېرې کړې، د اگست په ۲۰ ننگرهار ته راغی، دوې مياشتې هلته پاتې شو، د نومبر له لومړۍ نيټې نه د گندهارا په نورو برخو او ددسمبر له لومړۍ نيټې نه د گندهارا په نورو برخو او د درسمبر له اومړۍ نېټې نه د پېښور په سيمو کې ؤ، د ۶۳۱ ع د جنوري په لومړۍ نېټه د سند د سيند په کڅونو کې په سفر روان شو او د اپريل په ۱۰ نېټه ټکسيلا ته ورسېد، دی ۱۲ کاله په هند کې پاتې شو او په بېرته راستنيدو کې د ۶۴۳ ع کال د دسمبر په ۱۵ نېټه بېرته ټکسيلا ته راغی او بيايې د افغانستان لاندني ښارونه وليدل.
د دسمبر په ۲۵ نېټه د فيل په سورلۍ له اباسين نه راواوښت، د ۶۴۴ ع کال د مارچ په ۱۵ نېټه لغمان ته راورسېد او دهغه ځای له پاچا سره يوه مياشت پاتې شو، د جون په ۱۵ “فه-له-نه” يعنې “بنو” ته ورسېد، د جون په ۲۰ “و – پو-کين” او دجون په ۲۵ “ تساو-کيو-تو” (غزني) ته ولاړ، د جولای په ۵ کاپيسا، د جولای په لومړۍ نېټه اور تسپانه (کابل) د جولای په ۵ کاپيسا، د جولای په ۲۰ اندراب، د اگست په لومړۍ نېټه توخار (تخار) د ستمبر په ۸ بدخشان او د دسمبر په ۱۲ پامير ته ورسيد چې بيا له هغه ځايه يار کند او ختن ته تېر شو.
د هيون تسنگ سفر نامه د “سي-يو-کي” يعنې د لويديځو هيوادو خاطرې نومېږي او له چيني ژبې نه په انگليسي ژباړل شوې او په وارو – وارو خپره شوې ده چې د دې ارښتناک کتاب يوه برخه دهغه وخت د افغانستا د خاورې او خلکو د جغرافيايي، ديني، سياسي او اجتماعي او ضاعو په باب ډېر په زړه پورې مواد لري او کله چې دی له هند نه په راغبر گېدو کښې “فه-له-نه” يعنې د "بنو" ولايت ته رسېږي، د " سي-يو-کي” د لومړي ټوک په ۲۵۶ مخ کې (انگليسي ژباړه) د “او-پو-کين” ( o-po-kien ) په نامه يوه سيمه د بنون او غزني تر منځ د بنو شمال لويديځ او دغزني جنوب ختيځ ته، يادوي چې تر ده وړاندي يوه بل چيني زايرفاهيان هغه د “لو-يې” يعنې “روه” ( Roh ) په نامه ياده کړې وه ( ۲ ) څېړونکو خصوصا جنرال کننگهم د هند د لرغوني جغرافيې ليکوال دا “او-پو-کين” د “اوه گان” (افغان) له کلمې سره تطبيق کوي او وايي چې هيون تسنگ د دې خلکو ژبه هندي نه بولي خو دده په وينا يې دهند له ژبو سره لږ ورته والی درلود نو له دې نه به مطلب پښتو وي لو څرنگه چې چيني “او-پو-کين” همغه د لرغوني “اوه-گان” هجاوې (څپې) لري نو بويه په باور ووايو چې مراد همدا افغان دی چې اوس هم د سنده او غزني تر مينځ د پکتيا – پکتيکا او غزني ولايتونه د افغاني اصيلو او لرغونو قبيلو استوگنځي دي، دی حتما د همدې کورمې او گوملې په غرونو چې د “او-پو-کين” يعنې “افغان” استوگنځی و او په همدې نامه يادېده، او پکتيا ولايت ته ور او ښتی دی.
تر اسلام وړاندې د افغان د نامه په باب همدا درې لرغوني ساساني، هندي، چيني سندونه لرو او تر دې وروسته په اسلامي دوره کې د دې نامه ياد په درې او عربي کتابونو کې په مکرر ډول راځي چې ډېر زوړ ياد يې په “حدودالعلم” کې دی چې په دې کتاب کې د عبدالجبار عتبي په “تاريخ يميني” کې “افغان” د سبکتگين او د ده د کورنۍ په عصر کې په وارو – وارو ياد کړی ان چي ابن اثير په الکامل کې هغه د ابغان په زړه املاهم ليکي، ترې راوروسته مور خانو لکه فخر مدبر په اداب الحرب والشجاعه، قاضي منهاج سراج جوزجاني په طبقات ناصري، حمدالله مستوفي په تاريخ گزېده او محمد قاسم فرشته او نوروهم “افغان” او “اوغاني” قبايل په وارو – وارو ياد کړی دي.
همدا راز د افغانستان د کلمې په باب هم ويلای شو چې دا داسې نوی نوم نه دی چې د احمدشاه ابدالي په وخت کې دې جوړ شوی وي، بلکه تر ده په پېړيو وړاندې يعنې ( ۷۰۰ ) کاله مخکې هم موجود او داستعمال وړ او موږ د سيفي هروي په تاريخ هرات کې چې د ۷۲۱ ه ( ۱۳۲۱ )ع کال شا او خوا تاليف شوي وينو چې همدا د افغانستان ختيځي سيمې يې د سند تر څنډو پورې د “د افغانستان” په نامه بللې او له دې نه هيواد د غزنويانو او غوريانو د سياسي وحدت له دورنه د چنگيزيانو د تېريو له امله د تجزيې او ورانۍ په لور روان و، د افغانستان نوم هغه وخت هم موجود وخو دومره پراختيا يې نه درلوده لکه د احمدشاه بابا په وخت کې يې چې ترلاسه کړه.
د هرات دتيموريانو په وخت کې مولانا کمال الدين عبدالرزاق سمرقندي هروي چې په ۸۱۶ ه ) ۱۴۱۳ ) کال په هرات کې زېږيدلی او د هرات د دربار د پوهانو، مورخانو قضا او سياست له کسانو څخه و خپل د “مطلع سعدين او مجمع بحرين” تاريخ په ۸۷۵ ه ( ۱۴۷۰ ع)کال وليکه، دی هم په خپل کتاب کې افغانستان په همهغه جغرافيايي وسعت چې سيفي پېژانده و وارو – وارو يادوي چې د هرات د تيموريانو د لوی هېواد خراسان يوه برخه و او معين الدين اسفزاري هم په روضات الجنات کې افغانستان په وارو – وارو ياد کړی دی.
کله چې بابر په ۹۳۲ ه ( ۱۵۲۶ )ع کال له افغانستان نه د هند په لور ولاړ او په ډيلي کې يې د هند د مغولو امپراتوري جوړه کړه نو دال بابر په اکثرو تاريخونو کې وينو چې همدا د افغانستان نوم په همهغه واړه جغرافيايي مفهوم موجود او مستعمل دی او د دې سيمې خلک تل د هند د تيموريانو او دايران د صفويانو د يرغلگرو امپراتوريو په مقابل کې د خپل ژوند او ازادۍ د ساتلو په جگړه بوخت دي – څو چې په همدې افغانستان کې ددووپېړيو د اوږده مقاومت او مقابلې په نتيجه کې د ميرويس او احمدشاهد مېړنيو قيامونو په وسيله يو ځل بيا ددې خاورې په سياسي وحدت، بيا احياء او دلوي افغانستان په جوړولو بريالي شولاو دادی موږ اوس د افغان يو زر اووه سوه کلن او دافغانستان اووه سوه کلن وياړ من نومونه د خپل ملي وحدت او تاريخي سوابقو د وياړ وړ پيل او مبداء په توگه پېژنو ( ۳
نيوليک
1 افغان 2 د پښتو ادبیاتو معاصر تاریخ کتاب څخه 3 د ساسانيانو په پیر کې د ابگان ، دارني او يوسف زي ويېکې 4 د پخواني هندي څېړونکو له خوا د افغان ويېکه 5 د گڼ شمېر څېړنيزو لیکنو څخه اخځ 6 سر چينې
افغان
د افغان کلمه د لرغوني افغانستان د اوسېدونکو لپاره له پخوا راهيسې دود ده . د افغان او پښتون کلمې په ډېرو ځايونو کې په مترادفه (هممانيزه) توگه کارېدلي دي . د پښتون کلمه د (پکت) او (پکتويکي) له مفاهيمو څخه اشتقاق شوې ده، (پکتوکي) يا (پکتويکي) يوولس گونو آريايي ټبرونو نه يو ټبر دی، چې د پښتون له کلمې سره سمون لري. دغه مطلب د پروفيسور ډورن (Dorn) په آند ، د هېرودوټس په کتاب (Istorii) کې راغلی دی . او ويلي ېې دي چې اوسينی پښتون او افغان د همدغه (پکت) له کلمې نه جوړ شوی دی. د هيرودوټس (Herodotus) په ارزښتمن اثر د (گندهارا رپوټ) کې راغلي دي چې د (کسپاتورس) ښار ، يانې (پېښور ) په دغه پکتويکي کې موقعيت لري .
پروفيسور گارډون (Gordon) هم دا مني او تائيدوي چې، پښتانه د ( پکتيکوس) يا (پکتويس ) له نسله دي. په لرغونو شرقي آثارو کې معمولاً د (افغان) او (پښتون) ترمېنځ کوم توپير نشته دا ځکه چې ددغه ټاټوبي اوسېدونکي ټول پښتانه (افغان) ؤ، او د دوی تر اړخ نور واړه واړه ټبرونه راټول او ځانو ته يې د افغانانو خطاب وکړ. دا په دې مانا ده چې اصل او اساس د دې کلمې له پاره هماغه آريايي د (پکت) يا (پکتويکي) ټبر موجوديت دی ، موږ د (پښتون ) او د (افغان) کلمې يو دبل څخه نه شو بېلولای ، خو دا جوته ده چې پښتنو قومونو ځانته (افغان) وئيل ، او پښتون قوم ېې د افغان په نامه پېژانده . دې خلکو خپله نظريه په دې بنسټ قايمه کړې ده چې پښتون افغان دی ، او دا لفظ د ټولو پښتنو لپاره وکارېده. دې نامه دومره پراختيا او عموميت وموند چې د ټول پښتون قام نوم افغان وگرځېد او هغه ټول خلک د افغان په نامه مشهوره شول. افغان د پښتنو يو ملي نوم دی ، نه قومي او تاريخي د پروفيسور مورگن ستيرنه په عقيده (افغان) د دغې اصطلاح نوې بڼه او پښتون ېې کلاسيکه بڼه بولي ، او پختون (پښتون) د شمال ختيځو سيمو د اوسېدونکو د محلي گړدود دی. دی هم د بېلي(Baily) پشان تائيدوي چې Kht خت وروستی ډياليکتيکي بڼه ده او Sht (شت) احتمالآ هم د يونان Kt نه منل شوی دی. او په دې دليل د دغو غږونو ورته والی او يووالی ردوي، خو دا څرگنده ده چې پښتون (پختون) له (پکتيوس ) سره گډه ريښه او ټينگه اړيکه لري هنري بېلو(Henry Bellow)، هېنري لوونتال (Henery Lowental)، اولف کارو او د آف اېنډيا سروې کتاب مولف جورج گريرسن (George Grerson)، د هیرودوټس (پکت)، (پکتويس) او پکتويک (پکتيکا) او (پختويس) په عبارتونو کې دا الفاظ په ترتيب د نننۍ (پختونخوا) او (پښتون) د کلمو معادل بولي، څومره چې مالومه ده د (افغان) کلمه د (اوغان) له کلمې نه معربه ده، چې د اسلام ا عربو په دوره کې د (اوغان) پر ځای د ليکوالو له خوا ليکل شوې ده . (اوغان) يا (افغان) د پښتنو د ټبر ډېر پخوانی نوم دی، چې د پکت يا پښت يا پښتون هممانيزه دي . او د پښتون د ټبر لپاره د پخوا نه استعمالېده . دا يوه پخوانۍ آريايي کبمه ده . دغه کلمه د (افغان) په بڼه هم راغلې او بيا ېې زيات شهرت او پراختيا موندلی ده . دا شهرت دومره زيات او عام شو چې ، دا نوم په دوولسمه هـ لمريزه پېړۍ کې د افغانستان د ټولو پښتنو او نورو اوسېدونکو نوم وگرځېد . د (افغان) د لفظ په باره کې د يو شمېر څېړونکو عقيده دا ده چې دا تر ټولو د مخه د ايران د (نقش رستم) په هغې کتيبې کې راغلې ده چې په درېيمې زېږدي (ميلادي) پېړۍ کې د ساسانيانو د يوه واکدار ، لومړي شاه پور ، په هدايت او حکم په پارتي او يوناني ژبو ليکل شوې ده، (دشپرنگ لنگ) يا (دشپرنگ لن) په خپلې هغې مفصلې ليکنې کې چې سرليک ېې (( لومړيشاه پور د زردشت پر هديره باندې )) دی ، د دغې کتيبې د تشريحاتو په ترڅ کې يو ځای ليکي چې دی ، د دې کتيبې د (ابگان) يا (اوگان) کلمې ته معاصر (افغان) له نامه نه بل غوره معادل نه شي پيدا کولی څينې نوميالي پوهان بيا په دې عقيده دي چې د (افغان) نوم د لومړي ځل لپاره يوه لرغوني هندي منجم (وراهه ميهيرا) د (اوگان) په بڼه يد کړی دی. (اچ کرن) چې (براټ سنهتيا) ېې آن په کال ۱۳۴۸ هـ.. ل. (۱۸۶۹ ز. ) کې په انگرېزي ژباړلی دی. د (اوگان) وی ېې د (افغان) په بڼه ليکلی دی. دا داسې مانا لري چې (کرن) بيخي باور درلود چې د (وراهه ميهيرا ) د اوگان وی د افغان سره کټ مټ يو شی دي. (جورج گرېسن ) هم وايي چې ده وراهه میهیرا د اوگانه لفظ په ډېر ډاډ سره د (افغان) له کلمې سره يو شی گڼل شوي دي. الکسانډر کننگهم د هند په لرغوني جغرافيه کې اوپوکين يا افغان تر سرليک لاندې يوازې يو ځل په يو لنډ عبارت کې ياد کړی دی. او د هغه موقيعت د (Fa-La-na) لمنه يعنې بنو او غزني تر مېنځ د بنو شمال لوېديځ او د غزني جنوب غرب تخ ښودلی دی، کننگهم خپله په دې باور دی چې د هيون تسنگ د اپوکين مطلب هرومرو افغان دی. ځکه د چیني ژبو په هجايي حرکاتو (سېلابونو) کې د (افغان) لفظ له دې په زياته څرگندتيا نه شي اداکېدلای . دا د افغانانو تر ټولو نه لرغونې يادونه ده . د آخوند دروېزه مخزن الاسلام کې ، هم د پښتون د کلمې ياد په کراتو شوی دی د (ابگان) او (اوگان) له پاره معاصر (افغان) پرته ، لیکونکي کومه بله غوره کلمه نه شي موندلای . نو ټولې هغه کلمې چې په لرغوني حالت شته ، د (افغان) کلمه ترې نه اشتقاق کېدای شي. که د ساساني عصر (اپگان) او (اوگان) ته اعتبار ورکړو، نو په هغه صورت کې به دا ډېر لرغونی سند وي، چې دغه نوم په کې یاد شوی او د میلادي درېيمې پېړۍ نه راوروسته د استعمال ځای لري. تر کومې اندازې چې معلومه شوې ده د(افغان) کلمه د لفظ (اوغان) نه معربه ده چې په اسلامي دوره کې د مؤرخینو له خوا د پښتنو له پاره کارول شوی ، ابو نصرمحمد عبدالجبار العتبي په تاریخ يمني کې په څرگند ډول دا لیکي چې په (افغان) کې د (اوغان) تعریب دی په اسلامي مؤرخینو کې ابو ریحان البېروني ، فردوسي طوسي ، ابوالفضل بیهقي ، منهاج السراج، او داسې نورو مؤرخینو هم د افغان نوم بيا بيا د دې خلکو (پښتنو)له پاره کارولی دی . سره له دې په اتمه هجري پېړۍ کې داسې مؤرخین هم ؤ ، چې هغه لرغونی لفظ (اوغان) ېې کارولی دی ، لکه ظفرنامه ، ملفوضات، تېموري مطلع السعدین او نور.
سنسکرېټ په لرغونو لغاتو کې (اب گائن) د يوداسي قوم د پاره کارول شوی دی چې موسیقي نه لري ، احتمال لري چې دا لفظ به د پښتنو لپاره استعمال شوی وي . او وروسته به هم دغه لفظ د زمانې په تېرېدو سره به په افغان اوښتی وي، مشهور چیني سېلانی هیون تسنگ هم د (نقش رستم) د کتيبې په شان د سلېمان غره په لړ کې د (اې - پې ـ گان) په نامه د ځينو خلکو يادونې کړي . دا ټول لفظونه یعنې (اسواغان، اب گائین، اپاکان او اې پې گان) د لفظ افغان سره ډېره نژدېوالی لري او امکان لري چې ددې لفظونو ريښه هم د ارمني ژبې لفظ (اوغان) وي . ددې نه دا قياس او اټکل کېدای شي چې د لومړي شاه پور په منصبدارانو کې په دې لفظ (اوغان ـ ابگان ـ افغان) موسوم ځينې خلک موجود وو، او دا نوم به په اغلب گمان دوی د خپلو غرنیزو سیمو په وجه ايښودلی وي . عبدالحی حبیبي د خلکو او عامه ذهنيتونو د روښانولو په خاطر ، او د هغوی د سیمې لارښوونې لپاره د شک او تردید د ورکولو په خاطر د (افغان) کلمه ښه راڅپړلې ، او وايي چې د (افغان) کلمه يوزرواووه سوه ۱۷۰۰ کاله لرغونتوب د تاریخي اسنادو، شواهدو، او لاسوندونو په رڼا کې لري . د افغان کلمه چې اوس د افغانستان د ټولو خلکو ملي نوم دی او د آسيا په زړه کې تر ټولو تاریخي ، اقتصادي، او ټولنیزو شرايطو لاندې يو نه بېلېدونکی واحد جوړ کړی او يو غښتلی، لرغونی او ملي اسالت لري. د افغان نوم په تاريخ کې اوږدې ريښې لري او په همدې سيمه کې د هلمند او سندهـ د دوؤ لويو سیندونو تر مېنځ په همدې نامه ، همدې خلکو ژوند کاوه. د افغان کلمه چې تر دا اوسه پورې په عملمي اثارو کې لیدل شوې ده د هغو ټولو مېشتو وگړو نوم دی چې د تاریخ په اوږدو کې ېې په آريانا ، خوراسان، او افغانستان کې ژوند کړی دی . د افغانانو څانگې او ډلگۍ ډېرې دي ، خو دوی ټول افغانان او د واحد افغان ملت بچيان دي . موږ د اسلام نه دمخه د افغان د کلمې په باب همدا ياد شوي درې لرغوني سندونه لکه ساساني ، هندي، او چينايي لرو او لدې نه وروسته په اسلامي دوره کې ددې نامه ياد د (دري) او عربي ژبو په اثارو کې په مکرر ډول راځي چې ډېر زوړ ياد ېې په حدود العالم کې دی . چې په نهه سوه اودوه اتيا ۹۸۲ زېږيز کال کې د جوزجان د آلفريغون له کورنۍ او يا مربوطينو نه گڼې لیکلي ېې دي . پدې کتاب کې د عبدالجبار العطبي په تاریخ يمني کې فغان د سبکتگین او دده د کورنۍ په عصر کې په وار وار ياد کړی. آن چې ابن اثیر په الکامل کې هغه د ابغان په زړه املا هم لیکلې، بيا وروسته نورو مؤرخانو لکه فخر مدبر په آداب الحرب و الشجاعه ،قاضي منهاج السراج جوزجاني په طبقات ناصري حمدالله مستفي، په تاریخ گزیده او محمد قاسم فرشته او نورو هم افغان او اوغاني قبايل په وار وار ياد کړي دي .
میر عنایت الله سادات
کشور عزیز ما افغانستان در ادوار مختلف تاریخی ، مهد پرورش فرهنگها و تمدنها بوده است .ولی طبعا" مانند سایر ملل جهان ، تاریخ مردم ماهم آکنده از نشیب و فراز ها میباشد. حفریاتی که طی قرن گذشته در گوشه و کنار کشور ما صورت گرفت ، نه تنها شرایط مادی زندگی مردم مارا در مقاطع مختلف تاریخ بیان میکند ، بلکه تحولات فکری و عقیدتی آنهارا نیزمعرفی میدارد.
امروز از برکت همین تحقیقات باستان شناسی میدانیم که مردم ما و یا بخشهای از آن در کدام دورۀ تاریخ ، چه آئین و یا مذهبی را پیروی نموده اند؟ کدام امپراتوری ها را خودشان ایجاد کرده اند؟ و به مقابل کدام قدرتهای مهاجم قد علم نموده اند؟
قبل ازینکه کشور ما در دورۀ اسلامی به "خراسان "موسوم شود ، در تاریخ باستان به نام " آریانا " یاد میشد . تحقیقات مؤرخین افغان نشان میدهد که : " تا قرن هجده و نزده ، گاهی که خاور شناسان از تاریخ کهن افغانستان و ادوار کهن آن یاد کردن میخواستند ، آنرا به نام ( آریانا انتیکوا) یا آریانای باستان یاد کرده اند و در کتابهای تاریخ و جغرافیه از آن سخن رانده اند".[1]
اسم " آریانا " برای بار اول از جانب مورخ یونانی ( اراتوستن) در قرن سوم قبل از میلاد بکاربرده شده است . او باختر (بلخ) را به حیث مرکز آن معرفی میکند.[2]
کلمۀ " آریانا " در زبان آوستایی به معنی " آریایی"، یعنی به حیث صفت بکار رفته است . اما یونانی ها پس از هجوم شان به این سرزمین ، آنرا " آریانا " تلفظ میکردند. " باکتریا " یا " باختر" اصطلاحی دیگری بود که برای مسکن قبایل آریایی در بلخ بکار میرفت . همینطور در تاریخ آریانا ، نامهای به چشم میخورد که با پیشوند کلمۀ آریانا و یا بدون آن ذکر شده اند. هر کدام این نامها یک مرحله و یا یک ساحۀ جغرافیائی را بازگو میکنند. بخاطر رفع ابهام باید هریک آنرا مختصرا" به معرفی گرفت. تا از مغالطه و سؤ تفاهم جلوگیری بعمل آید:
- " آریا " : شرق شناس توانا ( وی وین درسن مارتن) درمورد <آریا> روشنی انداخته و مینویسد که " این کلمه در سانسگریت از خود اشتقاقات ندارد و نام نژادی است که اصلیت آن را به زمانه های مجهول سراغ باید نمود."[3] این مدقق نظر میدهد که " قبایل ویدی تنها خودرا به نام < آریا > یادمیکردند و < آریا > تنها نام قبایل ویدی و یا قبایلی است که < سرود ویدی> به ایشان متعلق است ".[4]
مدنیت ویدی : مدنیت آریایی ها با سروده های ویدی آغاز میشود . از کتب ویدی این اطلاعات بدست میآید که آنها ارباب انواع مختلف را می پرستیدند و در جرگه هایی بنام " سبها " و " سمیتی" دورهم میآمدند. تشکیلات شاهی از اوایل مهاجرت در بین آنها وجود داشت . آنها میله هایی داشتند به اسم "سامانه" که درآن به رقص و موزیک میپرداختند. در میان آنها شاعران زن نیز وجود داشت. این مطلب در کتاب اول " ریگ وید " تذکر یافته است.[5]
مدنیت اوستایی : دومین مدنیت مردم آریایی افغانستان حدود 1200 قبل از میلاد در بخدی (بلخ) پایه گذاری شد. ازین عصر کتابی بنام " اوستا " مشتمل بر پنج فصل باقی مانده است . تمام این مدنیت بخود افغانها و سرزمین بخدی تعلق دارد. از کتاب اوستا بر میآید که زندگی مردم شکل خانه بدوشی را نداشته و آنها در روستا ها و شهر ها مسکن گزین بودند . در همین دوره بود که تشکیل شاهی برای بار اول در بلخ بوجود آمد و شهربخدی در زیر نظر پادشاه یی بنام "جم" آباد گردید.[6]
در اوستا از شانزده منطقۀ آریایی نشین نام برده شده است که از آنجمله مناطق سغد ، مرو ، بلخ ، نسا ، هرات ، کابل ، قندهار ، هلمند و سیستان درافغانستان واقع اند.
- " آریانا ویجه " : آن دسته آریایی های که در حوالی آسیای مرکزی و اطراف رود جیحون ( آمو و یا به گفتۀ یونانی ها ، اکسوس) 2500 سال قبل از میلاد گرد آمده بودند ، مسکن خودرا به " آریانا ویجه" موسوم ساخته بودند. ویجه در زبان سانسگریت ، معنی " تخم" را میدهد.اما در زبان پشتو"اویجه" تا هنوز به معنی سرزمین و آرامگاه بکار میرود. " آریانا ویجه " اولین فرود گاه آریایی ها خوانده می شود. " داکتر گوستاولوبون" زبان باستانی آریایی را که در آریاناویجه به آن متکلم بودند<آریک> نامیده است ".[7]
- " آریانا ورته " : کلمۀ " آورته" در زبان سانسگریت ، معنی مسکن و ماوا را میدهد . با حذف "الف" از " آریانا آورته " این نام به " آریانا ورته " مبدل شده است . نام مذکور زمانی را بازگو میکند که جمعیت های " آریا " هنوز از باختر منتشر و مهاجر نشده بودند ودر حوزۀ اکسوس در شمال هندوکش مقیم بودند. با مهاجرت آریایی ها از صفحات شمال افغانستان به هند ، نام " آریانا ورته " هم بر قسمت های از شمال هند انتقال یافت. به این ترتیب ، پنجاب و سند نیز به این نام مسماء گردیدند .
" قرار نظریۀ پروفیسور پرزی لوسکی ، خیلی ها پیشتر از لشکرکشی های اسکندر ، باختری ها از افغانستان پایان شده و برای خویش در هند راه باز کرده اند و اقلا" پنجاب را تسخیر نموده اند".[8]
- " باکتریا " : قبایل آریایی در ولایت بلخ ، سلطنتی را به وجود آوردند که به باکتریا موسوم شد. " وندیدات کتاب اوستا ، شاهنامۀ فردوسی ، گرشاسب نامۀ اسدی و کتب سیر ملوک عربی ، بوضاحت بیان مینماید که چگونه ریشه های مدنیت " آرین " در بلاد افغانستان نشو و نما می کند ؟ و این مردم در بلخ شهرنشین میشوند و از حالت کوچی گری به شهر نشینی میرسند و نظام شاهی را ایجاد میکنند و مدنیت را به هرسو انتشار میدهند ".[9] " باکتر" مرکز این قبایل بود و بعدا" شامی ها این کلمه را به " باختر" تبدیل کردند.
انتشار مدنیت آریایی به هند و فارس:
بخشهای از آریا های باختری ، از مرکز شان در باختر ، دوری گزیده و از دره های هندوکش به هند و ایران منتشر شدند. اصطلاح " بخدی" که عبارت از بلخ می باشد ، مرکز سلاله ها و شاهان داستانی اوستا ، و آریانا کشور آنها بود.[10]
" در مورد آریایی های هند ، ویدا معلوماتی بما میدهد و در مورد آریایی های پارس اوستا مطالبی میگوید ، اما تنها در مورد آریایی های افغانستان ( آریانا ) است که هم ویدا و هم اوستا سخن میرانند و آنهم هردو باهم مطابقت میکند . همین است که خاک کشور ما ، همان خاک اوستایی است و آن مهد پرورش مدنیت ویدی و کتلۀ باختریست که بعدا" شرقا" غربا" بمهاجرت پرداختند".[11]
تمام آثاربا اعتبار تاریخی که در بالا ازآن تذکر رفت ، توضیح مینمایند که چگونه تمدن آریایی در مراکز مدنیت آن ( بلخ ، زرنگ ، بلاد مجاری هلمند ، هرات و سایر جاها) نشو و نما یافته است . بر طبق همین منابع همه میدانند که زادگاه و مراکز شاهان و پهلوانان معروف مانند " جم " ، " فریدون" ، " قباد" ، " زال" ، " رستم" و سا ئرین در همین سرزمین های بلخ ، سیستان ، زابل و کابل بود. ازهمین مناطق ، مدنیت باستانی و آئین مزدیسنا ( یکتا پرستی ) به ایرانی ها نشر و تلقین شد.[12]
زردشت در قرن ششم قبل از میلاد در بلخ به دنیا آمده است. زردشت و یا زراتشترا ، پیغامبرآریایی بود که یکی از با شهرت ترین ادیان جهان را به مردم پیشکش کرد . کتاب مقدس زردشت ، اوستا نام دارد که در دورۀ هخامنشی ها روی چرم گاو نوشته شد ، اما اسکندر آنرا سوزاند. این کتاب یک هزار سال قبل از میلاد بوجود آمده است. قبل برین سرود های ریکویدا ( کتاب مقدس برهمنان) حدود یکهزار وپنجصد تا دوهزارو پنجصد سال قبل ، قسما" در افغانستان سروده شده بود که در هندوستان تکمیل گردیده است .[13]
اویستا از جم (جمشید) ویشتاسب ( گشتاسب) و غیره نیز نام میبرد. این همان نامهائی اند که بعدها اسطوره ها و روایات مؤرخین و شهنامه ها به عنوان پیشدادیان ، کیانی و اسپه ها از یک سلسله پادشاهان قدیم بلخ و باختر افغانستان یاد کرده اند .[14]
این وقتی است که در ایران ، قبایل " ماد " بر قدرت های کوچک و پراگنده منقسم بوده و هنوز قادر به تأسیس دولت نشده بودند و تا قرن هفتم قبل از میلاد مورد تاخت و تاز دولت آشور قرار داشتند.همینطور در هندوستان هم قدرت مرکزی شکل نگرفته بود و مردم آن دیار در زیرسلطۀ قدرت های محلی زندگی میکردند. تا آنکه سلطنت " مکدهه " به میان آمد.[15]
در قرن ششم قبل از میلاد ، هخامنشی های فارس بر قدرت های محلی در آن سرزمین فایق گردیدند . به دنبال آن هفتمین شاه آنها ( کوروش ) متوجه تسخیر باختریان ثروتمند شده و از سال 545 تا 539 قبل از میلاد به سرزمین ما که فاقد دولت مرکزی شده بود ، حملات پیهم نمود . تا آنکه خودش به سال 539 قبل از میلاد در جریان جنگ کشته شد .
سپس بعد از سال 512 داریوش متوجه افغانستان گردیده و تا سند پیشروی کرد . اما مردم ما به تدریج کسپ اقتدار کرده و در صدد تأسیس یک سلطنت برآمدند. وقتی که در قرن چهارم قبل از میلاد ، یونان به لشکرکشی در ایران پرداخت ، داریوش سوم (333-338) از دفاع عاجز آمد و به افغانستان عقب نشینی کرد ، اما با قیام و مقاومت افغانها روبرو شد . این فرصتی است که " بسوس" والی باختریان ، اعلان استقلال کرد و خویشتن را پادشاه مشرق زمین بخواند.
داریوش از طرف او کشته شد(330) و اسکندر مقدونی ، مالک ایران گردید. سپس او به استقامت افغانستان به سوقیات اش ادامه داد و بسوس را کشت. به این ترتیب دولت مقتدر هخامنشی از پاه درآمد.[16] اسکندر مقاومت مردم افغانستان را پیش بینی نکرده بود ، جنگ او با مردم ما چهارسال ادامه یافت. گرچه خود او با بطلیموس در شرق افغانستان زخم برداشتند ولی قوایش از رود سند عبور کرده و پنجاب را اشغال کرد .
اسکندر به بابل برگشت و در همانجا به سن 32 سالگی درگذشت . اما هنوز هم باختر مرکز قدرت بود و مردم افغانستان با سازمان نیمه یونانی و نیمه افغانی خود با آزادی در حدود یکصد سال زندگی کردند .
آئین بودائی که در عصر آشوکا پادشاه موریا به شرق و شمال وطن ما انتشاریافته بود ، در عهد یونانیان ، جانشین مذهب زردشتی در باخترگردید. این تغیر، رابطۀ باختر را با فارس که هنوزهم هوادار زردشت بود ، برهم میزد . بارتولد مستشرق شهیر روسی مینگارد : بلخی که مرکز دین زردشت بود در عهد یونانیان دارای یکصد دیر بودائی و سه هزار راهب شد.[17] همینطور نوبهاربلخ که معبد زردشتی ها در آن واقع بود ، به مرکز بودائیان مبدل شد. درین دوره صنایع بودائی با حجاری یونانی آمیخته شد که امروز از آن به نام صنعت " گریک و بودیک" نام برده میشود .
نفوذ سیاسی موریا در خاک افغانستان نهایت کوتاه بود. آشوکا پس از چهل سال سلطنت بسال 232 ق ، م بمرد و جانشینان او حدود سلطنت وسیع اورا حفظ نتوانستند . اما دینی که آشوکا با خود آورده بود با اثرات فکری و هنری آن تا مدت یکهزار سال در وطن ما باقی ماند.[18]
از سال 70 قبل المیلاد تاورود اسلام که قریب شش قرن میشود ، قبایل آریایی نژاد کوشانی و هفتالی امپراتوری نیرومندی داشتند .قلمرو آنها در سراسر مناطق آریایی نشین پهن گردیده و حتی در استقامت های هند و ترکستان چین پیشروی داشت . جواهر لعل نهرو به همین ارتباط در کتاب نگاهی به تاریخ جهان مینگارد : امپراتوری کوشان ها سه صد سال دوام کرد . ساحۀ حاکمیت شان سراسر شمال هند و از جمله مناطق پنجاب ، کشمیر ، اورتراپردیش و قسمتهای عمدۀ از آسیای میانه را احتوا میکرد . پائتخت آنها ابتداء کابل و سپس پبشاور بود.[19] کنشکا سومین شاه این سلسله که میان سالهای 120 تا 160 میلادی سلطنت کرد ، هوادار مذهب بودایی شد.او زمامدار توانا وعلاقمند صنعت و تجارت بود. در تحت رهبری کوشانی ها زندگی شهری نفس دوباره یافت.[20] کاروانهای تجارتی با عبور از "راه ابریشم " به دوردست ترین نقاط اموال را انتقال داده وموجب رونق اقتصادی میشدند . ولی بنا بر پارۀ از عوامل داخلی و بیرونی ، اخلاف آنها منجمله کوشانی های خورد ، کابل شاهان و برهمن شاهان نتوانستند در قالب یک امپراتوری بزرگ ، همان دست آورد ها را محافظت کنند . تعد د سلطنت ها با قلمرو های کوچک ، فرصتی را بوجود آورد که بازهم از جانب فارس به رهبری دولت ساسانی ، حملاتی به سرزمین ما انجام یآبد.
این درگیری ها ، قریب یک قرن ادامه داشت ." در سنۀ 427 قوای هفتالی افغانستان با پسر بهرام گور ساسانی پارس در آویختند تا اورا شکست داد و طالقان را با خراج گزاف از او گرفت . بعد ازسال 651 م یزدگرد سوم آخرین شاه ساسانی کشته شد و اعراب مانند یونانی ها با سهولت تمام یکبار دیگر ایران را فتح نمودند .اما افغانها دوصد سال به مقاومت پرداختند.[21] تا آنکه در زمان یعقوب لیث صفاری که مؤسس اولین دولت بومی اسلامی در سیستان است ، کابل بطور نهایی مفتوح و زمینۀ ترویج دین اسلام مساعد گردید. پس از سقوط شاهان برهمنی کابل ، سرزمین ما به " خراسان" شهرت یافت .[22]
با نگاه مختصرکه فوقا بر تاریخ آریانا و تمدن آریایی انداخته شد ، یقیننا" که تشت رسوایی تاریخ نویسان جعل کار از بام افتاده و هزیان گوئی های آنها که هر پدیدۀ تمدنی را به خود و تاریخ کشورخود منسوب میسازند ، برملاء میگردد.
این جعل کاران ، تاریخ آریایی ها را از یک مقطع خاص ، یعنی پس از عروج هخامنشی های فارس که قرنها بعد از پیدایش و گسترش مدنیت آریایی است ، به خوانندگان پیش کش مینمایند . در حالیکه تمام دورۀ اشغال خاک های ما توسط هخامنشی ها از دهۀ 540 ق م بدست کوروش (سیروس) هخامنشی آغاز و با کشته شدن داریوش سوم بسال 330 ق م پایان میآبد. خلاصه ساختن تاریخ آریانا به دورۀ حاکمیت هخامنشی ها و از نظر انداختن یا وارونه جلوه دادن دوره های ماقبل و یا مابعد آن ، شیوۀ نگارش غیر علمی تاریخ است . تاریخ هردوره با دوره های پیشتر و پستر آن بستگی دارد . متأسفانه این اصل از جانب شمار زیاد تاریخ نگاران ایرانی رعایت نمی شود.
آنها در رابطه به دورۀ سلطنت ساسانی ها نیزبه عین شیوه متوسل میشوند . در حالیکه مدت تسلط شاهان ساسانی بر افغانستان بیش از یک قرن نبود . آنها نمی نویسند که چطور یزد گرد دوم ساسانی ( پسربهرام گور) که میان سالهای 438 تا457 بر تخت ساسانی ها نشسته بود به دست قوای هفتالی شکست خورد ؟ و سپس جانشین او " فیروز" اول شهنشاه ساسانی (457 م) و پسرش قباد از جانب دولت هفتالی اسیر شدند و چگونه شکست و اسارت این شاهان ، به سلطۀ دودمان ساسانی با تمام مظاهر آن خاتمه داد؟ اما آنها مذبوحانه تلاش میورزند تا با چنان نگارش های دهنی گرایانه ، از محل رشد و انتشار تمدن آریایی ازسرزمین افغانها به جانب فارس ، چشم پوشی کنند.
با مراجعه به کتاب حدود العام که در قرن چهارم هجری نگاشته شده ، ظاهر میگردد که " سرحد خراسان این قرن عیننا" همان مرز های آریانا است . درین کتاب سرحد شرقی خاک را رود سند و هندوستان داده اند ، مرز جنوبی را بیابان سند و مغرب آنرا بعضا" حدود هری و بعضا" نواحی گرگان گوید . شمال آنرا رود جیحون(آمو) و جوزجانان و تخارستان شناسد که اگر این همان آریانای باستان و یا افغانستان امروز نیست پس کجاست ؟ "[23]
رژیم شاهی ایران کوشید تا با تغیر نام "فارس" به " ایران " تمدن آریانا را بخود منسوب نماید.آنها این نام را بسال 1935 یعنی وقتی که پی آمد های اغتشاش ، دولت و مردم افغانستان را مصروف ساخته بود ، بر خود گذاشتند. تا با اشتقاق کلمۀ ایران از " آرین" ، نه تنها حقایق تاریخی را در افغانستان بلکه در مناطق همجوار آن نیز وارونه جلوه بدهند . زیرا طوریکه درین مقال با استناد یاددهانی شد ، تمدن آریایی از افغانستان نه تنها بسوب ایران ، بلکه بسوب نیمقارۀ هند نیزانتشار یافت .
آنها از جنگاورانی چون کوروش ، داریوش ، پسربهرام گورو فیروز ساسانی تمثالی از اخلاق و تمدن را نقاشی میکنند . ولی نمی گویند که چگونه مقاومت های مردمی در افغانستان باعث نابودی و شکست آنها گردید. امروز بر هیچکس پوشیده نیست که تاریخ سرزمین ما مشحون از مبارزه علیه متجاوزین و دفاع از هویت فرهنگی و ملی ماست . افغانها نه تنها این مبارزه را از نیاکان شان به ارث برده اند بلکه در راه ترقی و تمدن این گوشۀ جهان نیز طی قرون گذشته ، دست آورد ها و داشته های خوبی را به یاد گار گذاشته اند .
افغانستان متکی بر اسناد و شواهد تاریخی و باستان شناسی ، مدنیت پنجهزار ساله را از سر گذشتانده است . آریایی ها تمدن درخشان و با شکوهی را پی افگندند که حدود بیش از دوهزار سال در میان تمدنهای جهان درخشش چشمگیر داشت.[24]
- محمد حیدر ژوبل ، " آریانا نام تاریخی کشور افغانستان است"، منتشرۀ " دکابل کالنی" ، سال طبع 1332 هه ، ص 278 [1]
- محمد حیدر ژوبل ، همانجا ، ص 277 [2]
- احمد علی کهزاد ، " آریانا " ، فصل دوم ، کابل ، سال 1321 [3]
- احمد علی کهزاد ، همانجا ، فصل دوم [4]
- عبدالحی حبیبی ، " تاریخ مختصر افغانستان" ، کابل ، 1346 ، ص 10- 11 [5]
- عبدالحی حبیبی ، همانجا ، ص 11 [6]
- عبدالحی حبیبی ، همانجا ، ص 8 [7]
- احمد علی کهزاد ،" آریانا "، کابل ، 1321 ، فصل دوم ، [8]
- عبدالحی حبیبی ، جریدۀ مساوات [9]
- احمد علی کهزاد ،" افغانستان و یک نگاه اجمالی به اوضاع مملکت مذکور"، د کابل کلنی، کابل ، سال 1946 ، ص 234 [10]
- محمد حیدر ژوبل ، همانجا ، ص 274 [11]
- عبدالحی حبیبی ، " یک محاسبۀ تاریخی با مدعیان مفاخر بیست و پنج قرنه" جریدۀ مساوات ، سال دوم ، شمارۀ دوم ، کابل ، سال 1966 [12]
- میر غلام محمد غبار ، " افغانستان در مسیر تاریخ " ، کابل ، سال 1967 ، ص 36 [13]
- میر غلام محمد غبار ، همانجا ، ص 37 [14]
- میر غلام محمد غبار ، همانجا ، ص 39 [15]
- میر غلام محمد غبار ، همانجا ، ص 40 [16]
- میر غلام محمد غبار ، " جغرافیای تاریخی افغانستان" ، کابل ، 1355 ، ص 46 [17]
- عبدالحی حبیبی ، " تاریخ مختصر افغانستان" ، همانجا ، ص 49 [18]
- جواهر لعل نهرو ، " نگاهی به تاریخ جهان " ، جلد اول ، (دری) مترجم : محمود تفضیلی ، تهران ، سال 167 ، ص 189 [19]
- ایرون گروتس بخ ، " افغانستان – شناسایی علمی کشور ها " ، (المانی) ، جلد 37 ، جرمنی - دارم شتات ، سال 1990 ، ص 5 [20]
- عبدالحی حبیبی ،" یک محاسبۀ تاریخی .." جریدۀ مساوات ،همانجا [21]
- احمد علی کهزاد ، " افغانستان و یک نگاه اجمالی به اوضاع مملکت مذکور" ، همانجا ، ص 246 [22]
- محمد حیدر ژوبل ، همانجا ص 277 [23]
- میر غلام محمد غبار، " جغرافیای تاریخی افغانستان"، دیباچه ، کابل 1355 [24]
افغانستان، اگرچه بهعنوان یک کشور و یک ملت دارای تاریخی جدید است؛ اما، این سرزمین از لحاظ قدمت تاریخی، یکی از کهنترین کشورهای جهان بهشمار میرود.[۱]
افغانستان به دلیل قرارگرفتن در مسیر جاده ابریشم پیوندگاه تمدنهای بزرگ جهان بوده و یکی از مهمترین مراکز بازرگانی عصر باستان بهشمار میرفتهاست. این موقعیت مهم و حساس ژئواستراتژیکی و ژئوپولیتیکی افغانستان در شکلدادن موزائیکی غنی از فرهنگها و تمدنهای بزرگ همچون ایرانی، یونانی، بینالنهرینی و هندی در این کشور نقش مهمی داشتهاست. از عصر پارینهسنگی و طی دورههای تاریخی، مردم افغانستان جایگاه عمدهای در معرفی و گسترش ادیان جهانی و نقش مهمی در بازرگانی و دادوستد داشته و گهگاه کانون مسلط سیاسی و فرهنگی در آسیا بودهاند. از این رو افغانستان در طول تاریخ گلوگاه یورش مهاجمان و جهانگشایان بوده که ردپای آنها هنوز در گوشه و کنار این سرزمین دیده میشود.[۲]
همانطور که از میانرودان (بینالنهرین؛ عراق امروزی) بهسبب تمدنهای کهن و باستانیاش بهعنوان "گهوارهٔ تمدن"، و از مصر باستان بهسبب اهرام باستانیاش بهعنوان "عجایب دنیای باستان" خوانده میشود، از افغانستان نیز بهسبب موقعیت مهم و حساس ژئواستراتژیکی و ژئوپولیتیکیاش و حضور موزائیکی غنی از فرهنگها و تمدنهای بزرگ و تاریخ هزاران ساله بهعنوان "چهارراهِ فرهنگهای باستان" یاد میشود.[۳][۴]
در این نوشتار دوران تاریخی پیش از اسلام افغانستان به دو دوره تقسیم میشود:
دوران پیشاتاریخ: دورانی که بهسبب نبود خط و کتابت در آن معلومات زیادی از آن در دسترس نیست و فرضیات دانشمندان از این دوره تنها بر آثار بدستآمده از کاوشهای باستانشناسی و مطالعات زبانشناسی استوار است؛ این دوران از دورهٔ پارینهسنگی زیرین که در این دوره نخستین شواهد باستانشناسی از حضور انسان در شمال کوهپایههای هندوکُش در حدود ۱۰۰٫۰۰۰ پیش از میلاد بهدست آمده، آغاز میشود، و تا پایان عصر بُرُنز و عصر آهن در اوایل سدهٔ هفتم پیش از میلاد (پیدایش خط) را در بر میگیرد؛
تاریخ باستان: دوران پس از پیدایش خط، که معلومات زیادی از آن در نوشتههای کهن به جای مانده، و از دورهٔ فرمانروایی مادها و هخامنشیان در اوایل سدهٔ هفتم پیش از میلاد آغاز میشود، و تا حمله اعراب به افغانستان در سدهٔ هفتم میلادی را در بر میگیرد.
دوران پیشاتاریخ
عزیزی غزنوی
سالها انشا نمودم شعر ناب و دلنشین
گاه وصف زلف کردم گاه توصیف جبین
گاه حمد و نعت گفتم گاه شعر بی نقط
گاه مدح و ذم دینداری و بی دینی و دین
گفته ام بر رفتگان بسیار سوگ و مرثیه
مدح کردم اهل علم و دوستان همنشین
کرده ام تشریح حسن خلق و تهذیب و ادب
عشق و عرفان است آداب من خلوت گزین
از بهاران فیض بردم وز خزان ها داغ دل
با طبیعت ساز بودم همچو دست و آستین
شاد گشتم هر کسی را گر بدیدم شادمان
با سیه بختان چو حال خویشتن بودم غمین
(وادی امید بی پایان و فرصت نا رسا
میروم بردوش حسرت چون نگاه واپسین)
در قصیده در غزل طبع آزمایی کرده ام
ده کتاب شعر خود را چاپ کردم پیش ازین
گفته ام اشعار و نثر اندک و بیش ای عزیز
سعی طبع سرکشم این بود و محصولش همین
عزیزی غزنوی
۱۰ آگست ۲۰۲۳ تورنتو/کانادا
یو څو ښکلي پیداشي له موږ زړونه یوسي ولاړ شي
زموږ د سترګو تور زموږ خوبونه یوسي ولاړ شي
مودې شوې سوړ بادونه له هر لورې را لګېږی
زموږ د هیلو کور د ژوند ارمان یوسي او ولاړ شـــي
له شونډو مو فصلونه د خندا رېبي له بېخه
د یار له تورو زلفو سره ګلان یوسي او ولاړ شي
اوږده دې د غرض وحشي لاسونه له هر لورې
زموږ له عقل او فکره باورونه یوسي ولاړ شي
زموږ پر شونډو دوی د خوښۍ رنګ لیدلی نه شي
زموږ د خوشحالیو غزل یوسي را نه ولاړ شي
کوم څوک به پیدا نه شي له کومې لوري دلته راشي؟
ټوپک او راکټ واخلي، ټول بمونه یوسي و لاړ شي
خبیثې ارواګانې ګرځي زموږ پر ورشوګانو
زموږ له هرې شپې نه سهارونه یوسي ولاړ شي
ای اوښکو رو ورېږئ لپې ډکې د غمو دي
ډېوې رو رو سوزېږئ لا مزلې د تیارو دي
سوزیږئ خو ځګیروي د سوزیدو او سوز و نه کړئ
تیارو ستوني زبېښلي د رڼا په غړوندو دي
سست شوي د باور مزي په دې عجب دنیا کې
زموږ ساده لوحۍ ته په کمین ناست په دوکو دي
د چل او د فریب په ژبه سپین کړي تور مخونه
ډېر پانګې یې لوټ کړي لا په تمه د شیبو دي
دوی نه دي پرښتې چې ګرځي تل سپینو جامو کې
تسبې په ګوتو اړوي په زړو ډک له فتنو دي
پاکي نه د جامو او نه د ږيرې په انډول ده
پټ کړي یې تور کړنې په دروغجنو قلقلو دي
په سیند کې صدف شته دی خو هر کاڼی صدف نه دی
ټوټې د الماس نه دي دا بڅرکي د ښیښو دي
له تومنې چې ناولې وی وینځل به یې پاک نه کړي
په جهل چې لوی شوی وي دښمن د پلوشو دي
چې زړه یې د ماشوم له خنداګانو ګلاب نه شي
د کاڼو تش بتان دي تش له روح او ولولو دي
چې سترګې شي ړندې د عقل کله ښکلا ویني
چې سر کې شعور نه وي، دښمن د خپل پردو دي
دښمن که درته خاندي په خندا یې مه تېر وځئ
موسکا د قصاب ګورې د پسه له ربړیدو دي
چې زموږ د پاکو هیلو کرونده کې کر د شر کړی
دوی غله زموږ د سولې، نېکمرغۍ او خوښېدو دي
خو شحال بابا د کو چنیوالي په دوره کې هم ډیري ستو نزې گاللې دي . په شپږ کلنۍ کې په سیند کې لو یدلى او د هغه ځنې هم جوړ وتلی ، په اته کلنۍ کې له څپر نه پرې تیږه راولویده او په تندي سخت ټپي شو ، خو د هغه زخم نه هم جوړ شو .
ده په (۲۰) کلنۍ کې شعر ویلو ته شروع کړې ده او لو مړى شعر یې هم په دغه دوره کې ویلی دی ، لکه چې وایې :
په شل کاله دیگ زما د شعر په اور بار شو په دادور مې پوخ چې شپیته کاله مې تللي
ستر خان د اتلس کالو و چې پلار یې واده ورته وکړ ، خو دی له دغه واده نه خوښ نه وو . خو شال خان د خان په کورنۍ کې زیږ یدلی او روزل شوی وو . د پلار او نیکه نه ورته خاني پاتي وه هم د ملک اکوړې ځنې چې پخپله اکوړې هم یو ښه سړی وو. کله چې د مغلو پاچا غوښتل ، چې له نوښار نه تر خیراباده د لارې ساتلو لپاره څوک پیدا کړی ، نو هغه و چې خلکو ملک اکوړه وروښود . ملک اکوړه د خپلو خپلوانو سره د خپگان په وجه له هغه ځایه ، یعنې له خټکو او له کربوغې نه خوړې ته راغلی وو او اکبر پاچا هم ورغی او د لارې د ساتنې پازه يې دده په غاړه کړه . دا چې دی یو ښه سړی وو ، نو د اکبر پاچا پام يې یې ځان ته کړى او په ده باندې یې هم زیاته مهر باني وکړه او ده هم ژمنه وکړه چې دی او قبیله به یې د پاچا وفادار او خدمتگار وي . ددغې لاری مخصول به هم ملک اکوړه اخیست او په دغه ځای کې یې یو سرای اباد کړ چې د (اکوړې) په نوم یاد یږي .
دغه سرداري تر خوشال خانه پوری راورسیده یعنی ، د ملک اکوړې نه وروسته د هغه زوی ، او بلاخره تر خوشحاله پورې راورسېده . خوشال هم دغه چاپیر یال پښتون قهرمان روزلی و او په شعر او نثر کې یې دبښتنولی احسا س پروت دی . دوخت مروج علوم یې په جوماتونو او مدرسوکې لو ستي وو . خو په دې زده کړه یې قناعت نه درلود او تل يې نيت درلود ، چې زیات څه زده کړي ، خو دی وایې زه ښکار زیات درس ته نه پریښودم ، لکه چې وایې :
د جهان تحصیل بــــه کل واړه زما و که اخته نه وایې د ښکار په اشتغال
یا :
خدایه ته چې رړه کې اچـــوې دامینې چې په ښکار رب مبتلا کړم ته مې وینې
د خوشال له کلیاتو نه هم مالومیږی ، چې خان د خپل وخت مروج علوم لکه : تفسیر ،فقه ،حدیث ،فلسفه ، طبا بت ، منطق ، حکمت ، معانی ، عروض ،بیان ۰۰۰ او نورو باندې پوهیده او لیکل یې پرې کولای شول او په دري باندې هم ښه شعرونه لری . دغه ستر ، ملی اتل او د پښتو ژبې بابا په (۱۱۰۰ه)کې له فاني نړۍ نه سترگې پټې کړې او د ابدي ژوند غیږی ته وسپارل شو .
د خوشحال خان د پېژندلو په باب سرچينې
کورنۍ سرچينې
خوشحال خان خټک
د پښتو ادب په کلاسیکه شاعرۍ کې خوشال هغه علامه ، نابغه ، ستر شاعر او لوی ادیب دی ، چې د څه کم څلورسو کالو راهسې دده کلتوري خزانه تر ننه پورې دافغان ولس د نړۍ د لويو پوهانو او پوهنيزو مرکزونو د پاملرنې او څیړنې وړ کرځیدلې ده . د څیړونکو ځیرکتنه به تر هغې پورې دغه کلتوري میراث ته وجود ولری ، څو چې په نړۍ کې ولسونه په پوهنه او څیړنه بو خت وي . له خوشال څخه کوټې کوټې موضوعات او درانه درانه اثار په میراث راپاتې دي . دده اثار د شعر ، ادب ، ژبپوهنې او نورو بېلا بېلو پوهنو او څیړنو لپاره لوی دریاب دی ، چې لامبوزن هم پکې ستر کیږی خو دده برید ، پوله ، سر او تل به تر خپلې لامبو لاندې داخیل نه کړی او د ژوند تر پایه به پکې ستړی او ستومانه وي .
په خان بابا باندې زیاتو پوهانو لیکنې کړې او تر اوسه هم دده د اثارو په څیړنه او ځیرکتنه بوخت دي ، نو د همدغه اصل په نظر کې نیولو سره ، یانی دده د درناوي او نمانځنې په خاطر دوه لوی کتابونه په دوه لويو سیمینارونو کې د پښتو ټولنې له خوا چاب شول . دغه کتابونه په (۱۳۴۵)او (۱۳۴۶) کلونو کې د توریالي پښتون او ننگیالي پښتون په نومونو چاپ شوي ، خو دغه کتابونه ددغه پیاوړي انسان او ستر اديب د کارنامو په برخه کې په خروار کې د يو خورد مثال لري . په دغو دوو کتا بونو کې د هېواد او له هېواد نه بهر پوهانو خپلې مقالې چاپ کړې دي .
له دغو کتابو سره سره ، زموږ د هېواد د پښتو ادب پینځو ستوريو هم لیکېي کړې دي لکه : پوهاند عبدالشکور رشاد چې د خوشال په دیوان گلستان او بوستان تر اغیز لاندې لیکنه کړې ده . پوهاند صديق الله رښتين د خوشال لانډه پیژند گلوي په کې چمتو کړې ، چې دغه لیکنه په توریالي پښتون کې هم چاب شوې ده . پوهاند عبدالحی حبيبي صاحب هم د خوشال توره او قلم ، د پښتنو د خپلواکۍ او مبارزی بسټيز توکي گڼلي دي . استاد گل پاچا الفت هم د خان په شاعرۍ باندې لیکنه کړې او وایې ، چې دی د شاعرانه ذوق سره د خپل ولس مشر هم وو . د پښتو غزل بابا امير حمزه شينواری وایې: د خوشال خان خټک د نوم د اورېدو سره په ذهن کې د يو داسې نابغه انسان تقوا بریښي ، چې د انسان د ژوند په هر اړخ ځلانده او ژور نظر لري) .
خو ددې خبرې یادول ضروري دي ، هغه سرچينه ، چې د خوشال په باب یې لومړى څه خپاره کړي ، هغه پټه خزانه ده . وروسته نورو پوهانو هم دده په اړه کتابونه او مقالې لیکې دي لکه افضل خان يې په تاريخ مرصع کې یادونه کړې . له هغې نه وروسته د خوشال کلیات د دوست محمد کامل په سریزه خپاره شوي دي ورسره ارمغان خوشحال د سید رسول رسا په سمون خپور شوی او له هغه نه وروسته د پوهنو اکاډمۍ علمي غړي عبد القیوم مشواڼي صاحب هم دده کلیات يو ځل بیا چاپ کړى چې دده د پیژندلو لپاره يوه سرچينه وه .
پر دغو کلیاتو سربېره د پښتو ادبياتو په تاريخ کې هم دی پیژندل شوی او پښتانه شعرا کې ، چې بختاني صاحب راغونډکړی ، هم دده په اړه په زړه پورې مالومات ورکړل شوي دي . يو بل نامتو کتاب چې ملي قهرمان نوميږي او د زلمي هېوادمل اثر دی ، په هغه کې هم د خان د پیژندلو او دده په اړوند د بهرنيو او داخلي پوهانو نظرونه راټول شوي ، او دا خبره هم پکې ذکر شوې ، چې دده په اشعارو کې درې برخي ډیري زیاتې دي لکه : توره ، ښځه او ښکار . همدارنگه د خان په باب په زړه پورې مالومات د (خوشحال کيست ) په کتاب کې هم خپاره شوي او موږ یې دده د پیژندلو لپاره يوه غوره ذخیره گڼو . دشهسوار سنگروال په زیار هم د پښتو ادبياتو معاصر تاريخ خپور شو ، چې په هغه کې هم د خوشال ژوند ، پیروان او ددغې دورې نور لیکوالان ذکر شوي ، خو په دې وروستيو کالونو کې هم د خان د فکر ، عمل ، کردار ، اشارو او نورو ښیگڼو باندې په زړه پورې اثار ولیکل شول ، چې دلته يې د ځنينو یادونه کوم :
د پېښور پښتو اکیډمۍ يوه درې میا شتنۍ مجله د خوشال دريو يو په نوم خپره کړه < چې د بېلا بېلو ادبپوهانو له خوا بېلا بېلې لیکنې پکې شوې دي ، البته د خوشال نظر دپښتون د اصل او نسب په باب ، د خوشال فکر او عمل او داسی نور .
د پوهاند مجاور احمد زيار په واسطه . يو بل کتاب د خوشال ازلی پښتو يو ژبپوهنه شته ده خپور شوی چې البته د خوشال اشعار یې د ژبپوهنې له نظره توضیع کړي دي .
خوشال او فلکلور يو بل کتاب د داور خان داور په زیار خپور شوى ، چې د خوشال په اشعارو کې فلکلوریک مسایل يې پکې څیړلي دي .
د عبدالواجد واجد په واسطه بل کتاب د خوشحال سبک او په پښتو ادب کې د سبک اغیزي هم يوه په زړه پورې لیکنه ده چې مکمل مالومات خلکو او دادب مینانو ته ورکولی شي.
د دوکتور عبدالاحد جاوید هم يوه رساله (نگاهی به اشعار دري خوشحال ) په (۱۳۵۷) کال د افغانستان د علومو اکاډمۍ کې چاپ کړه .
د قيام الدين خادم يوه مقاله (خوشحال څه زده کړه) په (۱۳۵۸) لمريز کال په اکاډمۍ علومو کې خپره کړه چې په واقعې ډول د خوشحال په اړوند گټوره ده.
خو شحال او جمالیات د ډاکتر اقبال نسيم خټک اثر دی ، چې د پېښور په پښتو اکیډمۍ کې چاپ شوی دى.
د تورې او قلم خاوند دمحمد نواز خټک اثر دی چې په (۱۹۶۱ع) کال کې خپور شوی چې دا هم يو په زړه پورې اثر دی .
د حاجی پردل خان په واسطه د خوشحال دستارنامه هم په پېښور اکاډمۍ کې چاپ شوې ده .
د خوشحال زنځیرۍ دحبيب الله رفيع په زيار دپېښور پښتو اکیډمۍ چاپ کړې ده .
د خوشال د پیژندلو په باب سرچينې نه ختمیدونکې دي ، بلکې په سلگونو مقالې ،کتابونه دده د پیژندلو او د اشعارو په مختلفو اړخونو باندې چاپ شوي دي ، چې اوس او پخوا دده د پیژندگلوۍ لپاره يوه مهمه منبع گڼل کيږي . د کابل مجله چې د علومو اکاډمۍ پښتو ادبياتو له خوا چاپيږي ، ددغې مجلې څیړونکي دده په باب په هره گڼه کې په زړه پورې مطالب خپروي لکه : د خوشحال او بهایي جان په اشعارو کې د معشوقې ستاینه د علي محمد لیکنه ، (۱۳۸۴ه) کال کې چاپ شوې او په همدغې گڼه کې د محقیق عبدالشکور قیومي مقاله د( خوشحال په اشعاروکې د گلستان اغیزی ) چاپ شوې ده . د(۱۳۸۰ه) کال د کب د میاشتې مجله کې د سیال کاکړ لیکنه (خوشحال او پښتو) او همدغې گڼه کې د عبدالحی حبیبي لیکنه (د خوشحال په اشعاروکې انتقادي څانگه ) په (۱۳۸۲) کال په (۹) گڼه کې علی محمد منگل لیکنه (خوشحال د خان په شان پیدا او د فقیر په شان مړ شو) تر سرلیک لاندی خپره شوه . يو بل په زړه پورې کتاب د کاند ید اکادیمسن محمد صدیق روهي په زیار د (خوشحال اخلاقي ایډیال ) په نوم خپورشوی ، خوشحال د ښوونې او روزنې فلسفه ، په معاصر افغانستان کې خوشال پیژندنه ، خو بلاخره دومره ویلی شم چې هر څومره په خوشحال بابا او د هغه د پیژندلو په باب باندې وغږیږو ، خلاصون نه مومي . ددې لیکنې لپاره همدومره بسنه کوي .
باندنۍ سرچينې
خوشال نه یوازې د پښتو ژبې يو ستر او نامتو شاعر وو ، بلکې په دري ژبه کې يې هم ښه شعرونه ویلي دي . همدا راز خان نه یوازې په پښتونخوا کې د یوه ملي اتل ، تورزن او د پياوړي قلم خاوند په توگه اوڅار دى ، بلکې په سیمه او نړۍ کې هم د پوهانو ، شاعرانو او څیړونکو په وړاندې د تورې او قلم اتل شاعر او لیکوال گڼل کیږي . دده په اړوند لوېدیځو او ختيځو پوهانو لیکنې کړې دي او ان پښتو ټولنې ته یې لیکونه را استولي دي . جارج مار گنسټرن د خوشال د شاعرۍ په باب څر گندوي : " د نیمې پیړۍ راهیسې زه د خوشال شعر لولم په دغه نیمه پیړۍ کې پر له پسې خوند ترې اخلم او قدریې کوم . خوشال حق لري ، چې ځان د پښتو ژبې سعدي او فردوسي وگڼي . هغه خدمت چې ده پښتو ژبې ته کړی ، هېچا په هیڅ وخت کې نه دی کړی ۰۰۰ زه د لو یدیځوال په حیث ۰۰۰ د لو یدیځ پوهنتون د يو سپین ږیري استاد په توگه خو شاله یم ، چې په لویدیځ کې به تر دې وروسته خوشال ښه وپیژنې ". سراولف کیرو د لندن څخه د وخت پښتو ټولنې ته يو لیک راستولی وو ، چې یوه برخه یې دلته راوړو :"۰۰۰لوی شاعر خوشال خټک ته زما صادقانه مینه او تعظیم دی ، ځکه چې خیال کوی زه به د ستاسو ددې شاعر منتخابات ، چې ما سره دي او زما دوست اپولن هویل په انگریزي کړي دي ،کابل ته درولېږم " .
همدارنگه د خوشال خټک د تلین د نمانځنې په اړه به د پروفیسور میکنیزي لیک هم دلته راوړو :
(۰۰۰د پښتو ټولنې د پیدونکو مهربانيو قدر ښه پیژنم ۰۰۰او بله دا هیله کوم ، چې خوشحال په نوم نمانځنه به لویه کامیابی وگټي ۰ )
يو مشهور ختیځ پوه مسټر راورټي وایې :
خوشحال د پښتو ډیر ستر اديب دی ، د ده اشعار په یورپ کې ډیر قدر لري
ډار مسټیټر د خوشحال په اړه داسې وایي :
خوشحال د توریالیتوب او شعر گډ روح درلود
گرکیسیون لیکی :
خوشحال خان د خټکو توریالی مشر وو ، دده شعرونه له نورو شاعرانو څخه ډیر خواږه او په زړه پورې دي
{{بیډولوف]] د خوشحال په هکله څرگندوي :
خوشحال يو متعدید انسان او د لوړې پوهې خاوند وو ، هیڅ داسې یوه خبره نشته ، چې په شعر کې یې نه وي راوستې ، زیاتره شعرونه یې د هیواد پالنې رنگ لري .
ډاکتر کریسن پخپل اثر " د افغانستان ادبیات " کې د خوشحال په اړه داسې نظر څرگندوي :
( خوشحال خټک د کلاسیکې دورې نامتو شاعر او د پښتو ادب پلار گڼل شوی دی
روسي ختيځپوه او افغانپوه اسلانوف هم پخپل کتاب ( د روښانیانو ملي نهضت ) کې کښلي دي :
په پښتو ادب او شعر کې تر ټولو لوی سړی خوشحال خان خټک گڼل کيږي . دی د خټکو مشر ، شاعر ، سپه سالار او جنگي شخصیت دی
همدارنگه نیکولای دوریانکوف ، سونخیف لو لف او ډیرو ختیځپوهانو د خوشحال د گڼ اړخیز شخصیت په باب بېلابېلې څرگندونې کړې او لري يې .
د خوشحال د پیژندنې او دده د اثارو په باب بهرنيو پوهانو خورا ښې په زړه پورې لیکنې کړې ، خو ځینې نامتو کتابونه یې دادي :
گلشن روه دمسټر راورټي اثر دی ، چې په کال (۱۸۶۰ع) کې خپورشوی او خوشحال ته په ډیر ستر قدر قایل دى.
د پښتو شعر هارو بهار د ډار مسټیټراثر دی ، چې هغه هم د خوشحال پیژندنې لپاره یوه ذخیره گڼل کیږی لکه چې مخکې مو یادونه وکړه .
کلید افغاني د پادري هیوز اثردی ، چې د خوشحال په اړه پکې په زړه پورې مالومات وړاندې شوي دي .
پښتو منتخبات د ډورن اثر دی ، په کال (۱۳۵۶ه) کې د پښتو ټولنې له خوا چاب شوی ، چې د خان په اړه پکې په زړه پورې مالومات ور کړ شوي دي .
خوشحال شناسی يو بل اثر دی ، چې په اردو ژبه د زیتون بانو په زیار په کال (۱۹۸۰ع) کې خپور شوى دي .
دا د هغو کتابونو او لیکوالانو نومونه ول ، چې د خوشال په اړه یې مالومات خپاره کړي دي . البته زما همدومره تر خپل وس او قدرته پورې ول ، چې راټول مې کړل ، خو د بابا په اړه په سلگونو لیکوالو لیکنې کړې او تر اوسه پورې دغه لیکنې دده د اثارو په اړه کیږي . لنډه داچې ، دده اثار په دري ، روسي ، هندي ، ډنمارکي ، انگلیسي ، او اردو ژبو ژباړل شوي ، چې له دې شمېر نه الفنستن لومړنى اروپایې پوه دی ، چې د خوشحال اثار یې ژباړلي او خپریدو ته يې چمتو کړي دي . د خوشحال د پیزندلو ، کارنامو او د هغه د اثارو په اړه نه یوازې داخلي پوهانو ، بلکې خارجي پوهانو هم ډیر څه لیکلي ، چې پورته يې بحث تیر شو . د خان په اړه ځینو پوهانو د ډاکترۍ (phd) تیسیسونه لیکلي چې په لاندې ډول دي :
د میرمن خدیجه فیروزالدین په انگر یزي ژبه د (۱۹۲۸ـ ۱۹۳۸ع) کال پورې پای ته رسولی چې سريزه يې پرېشان خټک پښتو کړې ده .
پوهنوال دوکتور گل محمد نورزي (دافغان کلاسیک شاعر خوشحال خان خټک ژوند ، هنر او تخلیق تر سرلیک لاندې په کال (۱۹۴۹ع) خپل تیسیس بشپړ کړی دی .
دوکتور محمد اقبال نسیم خټک هم د ( خوشحال او جمالیات ) تر سرلیک لاندې د دوکتورا تیسیس لیکلی چې د پښتو اکیډمۍ پېښور له خوا چاب شوی دى .
ختيځپوه پېلېوین میخایل سېرگۍیویچ د دوکتورا تیسیس د (خوشحال خان ) تر سرلیک لاندی بشپړ کړی ، چې په (۲۰۰۱ع) کال کې چاب شوی دى . دا وو ځینې تیسیسونه چې د دوکتورا لپاره د خوشحال په اړه ليکل شوي دي .
خوشحال د مغلو طر فدار
دا خو ټولو ته جوته ده ، چې خوشال خپل نیم عمر یا زیات او کم د مغلو په طرفدارۍ کې تیر کړی ، خو ده یوازې نه بلکې پلار او نیکونو یې هم د مغلو طرفداري او د هغوی په گټه یې د خپلو پښتنو سره جگړي کړي دي . د خان ژوند درې برخې لري ، لومړۍ دوره یې د کوچنیوالي دوره ده ، دويمه دوره یې د مغلو په طر فدارۍ کې تیره کړې ، او د ژوند دریېمه برخه يا دوره يې له مغلو سره په جگړه کې تیره کړې ده . خوشال د لومړي ځل لپاره په (۱۳) کلنۍ کې له خپل پلار سره په يوه جکړه کې برخه اخیستې او د مغولو په پلوۍ جنگیدلی ، خو دا خبره باید له یاده ونه باسو ، چې د مغلو پلوي ده ته له خپل نیکه نه په میراث پاتې وه . مغولو دده نیکه د لارې سا تندوی ټا کلی وو ، د هغه له مړينې نه وروسته د هغه زوی یحی خان ته دا منصب پاتې شو او د یحی خان له مړينې نه وروسته د هغه زوی شهباز خان او په پاى کې خوشال ته ور په برخه شو . په (۱۰۵۰) کال کې شهباز خان له یو واړه لښکر سره د یوسفزیو په سیمه بريد وکړ چې خوشال خان هم ورسره همسفر و . په دغه جکړه کې شهباز خان ماتې وخوړه ، ټپي شو او له پنځو ورځو نه وروسته مړ شو ، خو دی چې کله مړ کیږې منصب او مشري خوشال ته سپارل کیږي او د خپل پلار د غچ اخستلو په خاطر یو بل لښکر چمتو کوي او یو ځل بیا په هغه پخواني ځای (بلړ ناله ) کې له یوسفزیو سره مخامخ کیږی ، خو یوسفزي سخته ماتې خوري او خوشال د هغوى کورونه هم سوزوي . کله چې اکبر پاچا په دې حالت خبر شو ، نو هغه و چې خوشال ته یې منصبونه هم ورکړل . په (۱۰۵۵) کال کې شاه جهان غوښتل چې کابل ته ولاړ شي او د نظرمحمد مخه ونیسي ، ځکه چې هغه د تل لپاره د مغولي سرحداتو یعنې په بلخ او بدخشان بريدونه کول ، نو په دغه جنگ کې له خوشال سره علی مراد خان او اصالت خان هم برخه لرله ، خوشال پکې تر ټولو مخکې وو او کامیابي یې لاس ته راوړه ، نو هغه وو چې د اکبر پاچا له خوا اولس منصبونه ورکړل شول . سربېره پر دې خوشال له نورو پښتنو سره لکه : بنگښ هم چگړې کړې دي ، چې په (۱۰۶۳) کال کې له شیرمحمد سره په جگړه بوخت وو او (۳۰۰) تنه بنکښ پکې ووژل شول . خوشال خان تر هغې ورځې پورې د مغولو په پلوۍ وجنگید ، تر څو چې تر څو یې يې ونیو . خو کله چې په (۱۶۵۸ع ـ ۱۶۵۷ع) کلونو کې چې کله شاه جهان په ناروغۍ اخته شو او د هغې ناروغۍ له کبله مړ شو نو دلته یې د څلورو زامنو تر منځ جگړې ونښتې ، یانې دارشگو او مراد بخش یو طرف و چې دواړه وو ژل شول ، سلطان شجاع په دکن کې ترې پاتې شو او په واقیعت کې اورنگ زیب بر یالی شو . کله چې اورنگ زیب خپل حکومت کلک کړ نو ورته مالومه وه ، چې خوشال خان ستا دده دوست نشی کیدای . دا ښکاره خبره هم وه ، چې ظالم حکومت د خوشال غو ندې شخصیت نشي منلی ، نو هغه وو چې خوشال ، اورنگ زیب او میرزا عبدالرحیم ، چې د مغولو حاکم وو پیښور ته ولاړل ، چې خان دوې میاشتې په پیښور کې و او بیا یې د هند د رنتبور په جېل کې بندي کړ ، ځلور کاله بندي وو او په دغه بند کې يې زیات اثار هم وليکل لکه : دستار نامه ، تر جیع بند ، تر کیب بند ، او داسې نور .
خو شحال د مغلو مخالف
په اکوړه خټک کې د خوشحال خان خټک ارامځاى
خوشال ډېر وخت د مغولو پلوي وکړه تر څو چې بندي هند ته واستول شو . خو کله چې دی بندی شو نو په بند کې یې داسې فکر وکړ چې پلار ، نیکه ، غورنیکه او پخپله مې څومره د مغولو طرفداري وکړه او د هغې په غلامۍ کې مې وخت تېر کړ ، خو بیا يې هم ماته کومه گټه ونه رسېده ، نو هغه وو چې دده په فکر کې مکمل بدلون راغی او داسې يې وویل :
پس لــه بــــنده دی داعـــــــزم د خوشحال دخـــــــاطـــــــر جزم
یا نیـــــــولی مـــــــخ مکی ته یا مغلو ســـــــــــــــــره رزم
د خوشحال کلیات مخ (۲۳۷)
دغه بیتونه ده د هند په بنديخانه کې ویلي دي ، خو کله چې دى بندی وو او دده زوی اشرف خان هجري هم دده په خاطر په کابل کې د بند شپې او ورځې تیرولې ، نو دا مهال په یو سفزیو کې شورشونه پیدا شول ، اورنگ زیب خوشال راوغوښت او ترې ويي پوښتل چې دا څه وجه ده ؟ خوشال په ځواب کې ورته وویل چې که چیری د کابل والي مهابت خان مقرر شي ، نو ښايي چې دغه ناامنیي له منځه ولاړه شي . له دې نه وروسته د مهابت خان په مقرریدو سره خوشال هم د بند نه ازاد کړی شو . په (۱۰۷۹ه)کال کې د پروفیسور پرېشان خټک په وینا پاو کم پینځه کاله ده په هند کې تېر کړل . خوشال خان په دې ښه ډاډمن شوى وو ، چې د هېواد او ولس دوښمن مغول هېڅ مهال نشي دوست کېداى . هېواد ته له رارسیدو نه وروسته يې کلک هوډ وکړ ، چې له مغولو نه به کسات اخلي ، نو يې د یوسفز یو ، خټکو ، اپریدو ، او نورو پښتني قبیلو په مرسته مغولو ته سختې ما تې ورکړه . په بې شمیره جگړو کې هم پښتنو ته او هم شاهي پوځ ته د سر ډېر زيانونه واوښتل او ډیر افسران پکې تباه او برباد شول . ددغو جگړو په پېښېدو سره د هند واکمن ته ډېر لوى د سر زيانونه واوښتل او مغول پاچا پخپل ځان د پښتنو خلاف د پوځ قومانده په لاس کې واخسته او په (۱۶۷۴ع) کال د هندوستان له پلازمېنې ډهلي نه د حسن ابدال په لور راروان شو . دلته له رارسیدو سره شهنشاه چې مغولي واکمن وو له ډیرې لویې چالاکۍ نه کار واخیست ، پرته له جگړې نه يې پښتني قبیلو ، ځينو مشرانو او نورو ته انعامونه ورکړل او دوی یې له خپل ځان سره ملگري کړل . له دې نه وروسته خوشال ډېرې هلې ځلې وکړې ، په پښتنو کې يې اتفاق راووست او د دوى د یو موټي کولو په لاره کيې يې ډېرې هڅې وکړې . بيا يې د مغولو پر خلاف د یو لوی لښکر جوړولو په خاطر د پښتنو پر بېلا بېلو سيمو دوره وکړه ، خو په دی برخه کې ورته هېڅ ډول برى ور په برخه نه شو ، د مغولو خلاف جگړو کې دده ډیر ځوانان مړه شول او یوه لوی زيان ورواوښت ، لکه مخکې مو چې یادونه وکړه ، وروسته له بند نه خوشال د پښتنو په پلو ودرید ، بی شانه جنگونه یې له مغولو سره وکړل او په هره جگړه کې يې سختې ماتې ورکړې لکه : د خیبر په پیښه کې چې ښکاره د مغولو سره وو ، خو په حقیقي توگه د پښتنو سره ولاړ وو او مغول مات شول . یا لکه د نوښار او یا هم لکه د ډوډۍ په جنگ کې چې لوى برى يې په برخه شو او په یوه قصیده کې وایې :
څو وانه خلی له غلـــــــــــیمه انتقام
مـــرد نه خـوب کا نه خـوراک کا نه ارام
د خو شحال کلیات مخ (۷۰)
لنډه داچې خان نه یوازې په توره کې رسیدلی سړی و ، بلکې په شعر ، شاعری کې يې هم لوی مقام درلود . د نړۍ گڼ شمېر پوهانو دده اثار لوستي او ژباړلي دي او ده ته درناوى لري . خوشال د سردرۍ په غیږه کې سترگې غړولې او لوی شوی وو ، خو په خوی او خصلت کې یو دروېش صفته ، د تورې د جلال او د پوهنې د جمال یوه ځلانده بېلگه ، د جگړې په ډگر کې یو هېوادپال اتل ، د افغانستان او پښتنو یو مېړنى ، غیرتي بیش بها درو گوهر انسان وو . لنډه داچې خوشال خټک په هر لحاظ د انساني صفتونو په لرلو سره یو لوړ او برجسته شخصیت وو .
ستا د ښایست گلونه ډیر دي ځولی مې تنگه زه به کوم یو ټولومه
د خوشحال خان اثار
ستر خوشال بابا د خپل ژوند په درشل کې یانې په (۷۸) کالونو عمر کې پښتنو ته دومره څه پریښودل ، چې د تل لپاره په دغو برخو کې څیړل کیږی او دده له اثارو نه به استفاده کيږي . دده د اثارو په اړه ځنې پوهان وایې : چې شمېر يې (۲۰۰) ته رسیږي ، خو یو نامتو ختیځ پوه مسټر راورټي دده اثار تر (۲۵۰) زیات ښودلي دي .
خوشال نه یوازې په پښتو ژبه باندې شعر ویلی ، بلکې په فارسي ژبه هم ښه پوهېده او په دري ژبه یې هم خورا ډیر شعرونه ویلي دي . د تورې او قلم خاوند په پښتو ادبیاتو کې یو نوی سبک په نظم او نثر کې منځ ته راوړ او هغه مسجع یا فني نثر ته یې د پای ټکی کیښود . موږ مخکې وویل ، چې دده اثار نږدې تر (۲۰۰) پورې رسیږي چې مشهور یې دادي:
کلیات چې نږدې (۴۰) زره بیتونه لري .
فضل نامه : یو دیني کتاب دی چې فقهي مسایل پکې څیړل شوي .
بازنامه : د ښکار په اړه بحث کوي .
صحت البدن : یو منظم اثر دی چې د روغتیا په اړه څیړنې پکې شوې دي .
اخلاق نامه .
سوات نامه : یو منظم اثر دی چې د سوات په باب معلومات ، او د سوات جغرافیه پکې تشریح شوې ده .
دستارنامه : د دستار او لو نگۍ په اړوند مسایل پکې راغلي دي .
فرخ نامه : د تورې او قلم بحث دی .
فراقنامه : د خوشال خان خټک د بند شعرونه دي .
اینه : د فقهې کتاب دی .
بیاض : د نثر کتاب دی .
زنځیری : د لیکدود په اړه دی .
تفسیر سوره یوسف .
د پښتنو تاریخ : یو ورک اثر دی .
د خوشال رباعیات .
عیار دانش: د فارسي نه ژباړه ده .
هدایه : له عربي نه ژباړل شوی دی .
دا هغه اثار دى چې له خان بابا څخه موږ ته راپاتې دي ، خو په سلگونو نور اثار یې ورک شوي دي .
د خوشال خان د اثارو بېلابېل اړخونه
دا سمه ده چې خوشال بابا د خپل وخت یو ننگیالی پښتون وو ، خو د فرهنگ په برخه او د پښتو زاړه ادب کې د خان جوگه بل فرهنگیالی نه لرو ، د خپل وخت او تر ده وروسته د ورانونو کې واحد فرهنگیالی دی چې اثار یې د کمیت او کفیت ، فکر او هنر له پلوه ساری نه لري . ده په ډیرو سنگینو او ناسازگارو حالاتو کې دومره څه تصنیف کړی ، چې پښتو یې یو دم د تکمیل حد ته ورسوله لکه چې وایې :
په پښتو شعر چې ما علم بلند کړ د خبرو ملک مې فتحه په سمند کړ
خان د خپل وخت د چاپېريال فرهنگي وضعې ته په پاملرنې سره ، د خپلې ژبې د قوت او پياوړتیا لپاره مټي راونغښتلې او د خپل بې شانه استعداد په واسطه یې پښتو ژبې ته دومره اثار تصنیف کړل ، چې پښتو ادب یې له سیمې سره سیال کړ ، لکه مخکې مو چې اشاره وکړه او مسټر راورټي یې د اثارو شمیره (۲۵۰) ښودلې ده. د خان اثار په دوو برخو ویشو :
د خان منظم اثار
د خان منثور اثار
خوشال په شل کلنۍ کې په شعر ویلو پیل کړی لکه پخپله چې وایې :
په شل کاله دیگ د شعر زما په اور بار شو
په دا دور مې پوخ ؤ چې شپیته کاله مې تللی
خو دا واضح ده چې د خان لو مړنۍ شعر او بیت دا نه دی ، بلکې لو مړنۍ غز له یې په لاندې ډول ده :
عقل سل د مصلحت بنـــــــــــدونه جوړ کا
چې دعشق سیلاب پرې راشي واړه نــــــور کا
خان د (۱۰۴۳ـ ۱۱۰۰) پورې با قاعده شاعري کړې او ډېر منظم اثار یې موږ ته راپریښی دي . د ده منظم اثار په لاندې ډول دي :
د خوشال خان منظم اثار
کليات
کلياتو کې د ده ټول منظم اثار شته دي لکه
الف ـ (۸۶۰) غزلې دي چې دا غزلې لو مړۍ ځل په کابل کې په (۱۳۵۸ه) کال دافغا نستان د علومو اکاډمې له خوا په چاپ ورسیدې . دويم ځل بیا په (۱۳۵۹ه) کال د علومو اکاډمۍ له خوا چاپ شوې ، خو دریم ځل ټول کلیات د پښتو څیړنو د نړۍوال مرکز د علمي غړی عبدالقيوم مشواڼی صاحب له خوا په چاپ ورسید . غزلونه هر اړ خیزې برخي څیړي ، تصوف ، مجازي عشق ، کورني جنجالونه ، پښتنواله ، علم ، سیاست ، او داسی نورې برخې پکې څیړل شوې دي .
ب ـ د خان په کلیات کې (۲۵) قصیدي راغلې دي . په قصیدو کې هم تصوفي برخې ، پوه او ناپوه ، د اصیل او کم اصل په باب قصیدې ، د دنیا د بی وفا یې ، نعمتونه ، له خپلو زامنو نه بیزاري ، دحضرت محمد (ص) صفت او داسې نورې برخي هم پکې شته دي . [2]
ج ـ رباعیات : د خوشال خان په کلیاتو کې (۱۶۰۴) رباعي راغلې دي ، خو یوه بله ځا نکړنه چاپي مجموعه هم لري ، چې يه (۱۳۴۹) کال چاب شوې او (۱۶۷۴) رباعي پکې دي . د ـ دده په کلیاتو کې د (قطعاتو) ځنې برخي هم شته ، چې نږدې (۴۰۵) قطعې کيږي او له دوه بیتو څخه نیولې تر پنځو بیتو پورې قطعې هم لري .
د ـ د خوشال په کلیات کې یو مثلث هم راغلی دی او نور صنفونه یې متفرق دي چې په هغه کې (۲) مر بعې ، یوه مثنوي ، څلور مخمسه ، دوه مسدسونه ، یو معشر ، یو ترکیب بند ، یو ترجیع بند خوندي دی . دا د خوشال د اشعارو شکل وو ، خو د ده د اشعارو منځپانگه ( محتوا ) لږه برخه کې هم هر نگه اشعار لري . د استاد محمد صدیق روهي په خبره :
د خوشال اثارو او اشعارو کې هر ډول مضامین پیدا کیږی لکه : عشقي ، اجتماعي ، سیاسي ، فلسفي ، علمي ، عرفاني ، تربیوي ، تاریخي ، انتریالوجیکي ، مذهبي ، طبي ، جغرافیایې ، نجومې ، هزلیات او داسې نور .
فراقنا مه
فراقنامه هم د خوشال یو منظم اثر دی او دا اثر خان هغه وخت خپور کړی ، چې کله دی د مغلو په چل ول باندې په پیښور کې نیول کیږی او د رنتبور زندان ته بیول کیده . د قید په دوران کې یې د فراقنامې څخه بې غیر نور اثار هم لیکلي چې هغه به پخپل ځای کې شرحه شي . فراقنامه د یو څو مثنویاتو او غزلونو ځنی جوړه شوې ، چې دغه دوه ييزې ( مثنویات ) د فراق او مسافرۍ په حالت کې خپل کور ، کلی ، ټبر ، اولاد یادونه ، دوستانو او د هېواد په یاد کې هغه ساندې ، د سوز او درد نه ډکي غاړي دي چې د پنجرې بلبل پر خپلو مصيبتونو او کړاونو ډکو حالتو کې ویلي دي . د فراقنامې اشعار ، په تېره بيا دوه ييزې ( مثنویات ) داخلې راواني ، د فراق او دردناکو حالاتو کې یو داسې داستان دی ، چې نه یې لوستونکى له اثره بچ باتې کیدای شي او نه اوریدونکی . د خپل کور ، کلي ، ټبر یادونه کوي.[3]
بازنامه
بازنامه هم د خوشال یو منظم اثر دی ، چې د ښکار په اړه لیکل شوی ، یانې د بازانو سا تلو ، روزلو او نیولو په اړه لیکل شوى دى. په دې اړوند خان وایې :
دجهان واړه تحصیل به زما ؤ
که اخته نه وی د ښکار په اشتغال
(۱)
خان ته د تورې او ښکار هنر دواړه د مشرانو نه ورته پاتې دی لکه چې وایې :
که د تورې که د ښکار دا دوه هنره
راته پاتې تر ابادي لـــــــــــــــه پدره
(۲)
یا :
خدایه ته په زړه کې اچوی دا میني
چې په ښکار دی مبتلا کړم ته مې وینی
(۳)